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abraham lincoln and the union-及7准

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general acceptance察and in the constitution of the Southern Confederacy there was a section prohibiting the African slave trade。  On the other of these two issuesthe independence of the SouthYancey steadily gained ground。  With each year from 1856  to 1860察a larger proportion of Southerners drew out of political evasion and gave adherence to the idea of presenting an ultimatum to the North察with secession as an alternative。

Meanwhile察Buchanan sent to Kansas察as Governor察Robert J。 Walker察one of the most astute of the Democrats of the opposite faction and a Mississippian。  The tangled situation which Walker found察the details of his attempt to straighten it out察belong in another volume。* It is enough in this connection merely to mention the episode of the Lecompton convention in the election of which the Northern settlers refused to participate察though Walker had promised that they should have full protection and a fair count as well as that the work of the convention should be submitted to a popular vote。  This action of Walker's was one more cause of contention between the warring factions in the South。  The fact that he had met the Northerners half´way was seized upon by the Yancey men as evidence of the betrayal of the South by the Democratic moderates。  On the other hand察Cobb察writing of the situation in Kansas察said that ;a large majority are against slavery and。。。our friends regard the fate of Kansas as a free state pretty well fixed。。。the pro´slavery men察finding that Kansas was likely to become a Black Republican State察determined to unite with the free´state Democrats。;  Here is the clue to Walker's course。  As a strict party man察he preferred to accept Kansas free察with Democrats in control察rather than risk losing it altogether。

* See Jesse Macy察 The Anti´Slavery Crusade;。  In ;The Chronicles of America;。


The next step in the affair is one of the unsolved problems in American history。  Buchanan suddenly changed front察disgraced Walker察and threw himself into the arms of the Southern extremists。 Though his reasons for doing so have been debated to this day察they have not yet been established beyond dispute。  What seems to be the favorite explanation is that Buchanan was in a panic。  What brought him to that condition may have been the following events。

The free´state men察by refusing to take part in electing the convention察had given control to the slaveholders察who proved they were not slow to seize their opportunity。  They drew up a constitution favoring slavery察but this constitution察Walker had promised察was to be submitted in referendum。  If the convention decided察however察not to submit the constitution察would not Congress have the right to accept it and admit Kansas as a Mate拭This question was immediately raised。  It now became plain that察by refusing to take part in the election察the free´state Kansans had thrown away a great tactical advantage。  Of this blunder in generalship the Yancey men took instant advantage。  It was known that the proportion of Free´Soilers in Kansas was very great perhaps a majorityand the Southerners reasoned that they should not be obliged to give up the advantage they had won merely to let their enemies retrieve their mistake。  Jefferson Davis formulated this position in an address to the Mississippi Legislature in which he insisted that Congress察not the Kansas electorate察was entitled to create the Kansas constitution察that the Convention was a properly chosen body察and that its work should stand。  What Davis said in a stately way察others said in a furious way。 Buchanan stated afterward that he changed front because certain Southern States had threatened that察if he did not abandon Walker察they would secede。

Be that as it may察Buchanan did abandon Walker and threw all the influence of the Administration in favor of admitting Kansas with the Lecompton constitution。  But would this be true to that principle of ;popular sovereignty; which was the very essence of the Kansas´Nebraska Act拭 Would it be true to the principle that each locality should decide for itself between slavery and freedom拭On this issue the Southerners were fairly generally agreed and maintained that there was no obligation to go behind the work of the convention。  Not so察however察the great exponent of popular sovereignty察Douglas。  Rising in his place in the Senate察he charged the President with conspiring to defeat the will of the majority in Kansas。  ;If Kansas wants a slave state constitution察─said he察 she has a right to it察if she wants a free state constitution察she has a right to it。  It is none of my business which way the slavery clause is decided。  I care not whether it is voted up or down。;

There followed one of those prolonged legislative battles for which the Congress of the United States is justly celebrated。 Furious oratory察propositions察counter´propositions察projected compromises察other compromises察and at the end nothing positive。 But Douglas had defeated the attempt to bring in Kansas with the Lecompton constitution。  As to the details of the story察they include such distinguished happenings as a brawling察all´night session when ;thirty men察at least察were engaged in the fisticuff察─and one Representative knocked another down。

Douglas was again at the center of the stage察but his term as Senator was nearing its end。  He and the President had split their party。  Pursued by the vengeful malice of the Administration察Douglas went home in 1858 to Illinois to fight for his reelection。 His issue察of course察was popular sovereignty。  His temper was still the temper of political evasion。  How to hold fast to his own doctrine察and at the same time keep to his programme of ;nothing doing;察how to satisfy the negative Democrats of the North without losing his last hold on the positive men of the Southsuch were his problems察and they were made still more difficult by a recent decision of the Supreme Court。

The now famous case of Dred Scott had been decided in the previous year。  Its bewildering legal technicalities may here be passed over察fundamentally察the real question involved was the status of a negro察Dred Scott。  A slave who had been owned in Missouri察and who had been taken by his master to the State of Illinois察to the free territory of Minnesota察and then back to Missouri察now claimed to be free。  The Supreme Court undertook to decide whether his residence in Minnesota rendered him free察and also whether any negro of slave descent could be a citizen of the United States。 The official opinion of the Court察delivered by Chief Justice Taney察decided both questions against the suppliant。  It was held that the ;citizens; recognized by the Constitution did not include negroes。  So察even if Scott were free察he could not be considered a citizen entitled to bring suit in the Federal Courts。 Furthermore察he could not be considered free察in spite of his residence in Minnesota察because察as the Court now ruled察Congress察when it enacted the Missouri Compromise察had exceeded its authority察the enactment had never really been in force察there was no binding prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern territories。

If this decision was good law察all the discussion about popular sovereignty went for nothing察and neither an act of Congress nor the vote of the population of a territory察whether for or against slavery察was of any value whatsoever。  Nothing mattered until the newmade state itself took action after its admission to the Union。 Until that time察no power察national or local察could lawfully interfere with the introduction of slaves。  In the case of Kansas察it was no longer of the least importance what became of the Lecompton constitution or of any other that the settlers might make。  The territory was open to settlement by slaveholders and would continue to be so as long as it remained a territory。  The same conditions existed in Nebraska and in all the Northwest。  The Dred Scott decision was accepted as orthodox Democratic doctrine by the South察by the Administration察and by the ;Northern men with Southern principles。;  The astute masters of the game of politics on the Democratic side struck the note of legality。  This was law察the expression of the highest tribunal of the Republic察what more was to be said拭 Though in truth there was but one other thing to be said察and that revolutionary察the Republicans察nevertheless察did not falter over it。  Seward announced it in a speech in Congress on ;Freedom in Kansas察─when he uttered this menace此 We shall reorganize the Court and thus reform its political sentiments and practices。;

In the autumn of 1858 Douglas attempted to perform the acrobatic feat of reconciling the Dred Scott decision察which as a Democrat he had to accept察with that idea of popular sovereignty without which his immediate followers could not be content。  In accepting the Republican nomination as Douglas's opponent for the senatorship察Lincoln used these words which have taken rank among his most famous utterances此 A house divided against itself cannot stand。  I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free。  I do not expect the Union to be dissolved。 I do not expect the house to fall but I do expect it will cease to be divided。  It w

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