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abraham lincoln and the union-及24准

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However察for one moment in the autumn of 1861察it seemed as if all the masterful work of the Northern navy would be undone by the Northern people themselves in backing up the rashness of Captain Charles Wilkes察of the war´ship San Jacinto。  On the high seas he overhauled the British mail steamer察Trent。  Aboard her were two Confederate diplomatic agents察James M。 Mason and John Slidell察who had run the blockade from Charleston to Havana and were now on their way to England。  Wilkes took off the two Confederates as prisoners of war。  The crowd in the North went wild。 ;We do not believe察─said the New York Times察 that the American heart ever thrilled with more sincere delight。;

The intemperate joy of the crowd over the rashness of Wilkes was due in part to a feeling of bitterness against the British Government。  In May察1861察the Queen had issued a proclamation of neutrality察whose justification in international law was hotly debated at the time and was generally denied by Northerners。 England was the great cotton market of the world。  To the excited Northern mind察in 1861察there could be but one explanation of England's action此a partisan desire to serve the South察to break up the blockade察and to secure cotton。  Whether such was the real purpose of the ministry then in power is now doubted察but at that time it was the beginning of a sharp contention between the two Governments。  The Trent affair naturally increased the tension。 So keen was the indignation of all classes of Englishmen that it seemed察for a moment察as if the next step would be war。

In America察the prompt demand for the release of Mason and Slidell was met察at first察in a spirit equally bellicose。  Fortunately there were cool and clear heads that at once condemned Wilkes's action as a gross breach of international law。  Prominent among these was Sumner。  The American Government察however察admitted the justice of the British demand and the envoys were released。

Relations with the United States now became a burning issue in English politics。  There were three distinct groups in Parliament。 The representatives of the aristocracy察whether Liberals or Conservatives察in the main sympathized with the South。  So did most of the large manufacturers whose business interests were affected by cotton。  Great bitterness grew up among the Northerners against both these groups察partly because in the past many of their members had condemned slavery and had said scornful things about America for tolerating it。  To these Northerners the Englishmen replied that Lincoln himself had declared the war was not over slavery察that it was an ordinary civil war not involving moral issues。  Nevertheless察the third Parliamentary group insisted that the American war察no matter what the motives of the participants察would察in the event of a Northern victory察bring about the abolition of slavery察whereas察if the South won察the result would be the perpetuation of slavery。  This third group察therefore察threw all its weight on the side of the North。  In this group Lincoln recognized his allies察and their cause he identified with his own in his letter to English workmen which was quoted in the previous chapter。  Their leaders in Parliament were Richard Cobden察W。 E。 Forster察and John Bright。  All these groups were represented in the Liberal party察which察for the moment察was in power。

In the Cabinet itself there was a ;Northern; and a ;Southern; faction。  Then察too察there were some who sympathized with the North but who felt that its cause was hopelessso little did they understand the relative strength of the two sectionsand who felt that the war was a terrible proof of the uselessness of mere suffering。  Gladstone察in later days察wished to be thought of as having been one of these察though at the time察a famous utterance of his was construed in the North as a declaration of hostility。 To a great audience at Newcastle he said in October察1862此 We may have our own opinions about slavery察we may be for or against the South察but there is no doubt that Jefferson Davis and other leaders of the South have made an army察they are making察it appears察a navy察and they have made察what is more than eitherthey have made a nation。;

The Prime Minister察Lord Palmerston察wished to intervene in the American war and bring about an amicable separation into two countries察and so察apparently察did the Foreign Secretary察Lord John Russell。  Recently察the American minister had vainly protested against the sailing of a ship known as 290 which was being equipped at Liverpool presumably for the service of the Confederacy察and which became the famous Alabama。  For two years it roved the ocean destroying Northern commerce察and not until it was sunk at last in a battle with the U。 S。 S。 Kearsarge did all the maritime interests of the North breathe again freely。  In time and as a result of arbitration察England paid for the ships sunk by the Alabama。  But in 1862察the protests of the American minister fell on deaf ears。

It must be added that the sailing of the Alabama from Liverpool was due probably to the carelessness of British officials rather than to deliberate purpose。  And yet the fact is clear that about the first of October察1862察the British ministry was on the verge of intervening to secure recognition of the independence of the Southern confederacy。  The chief motive pressing them forward was the distress in England caused by the lack of cotton which resulted from the American blockade。  In 1860察the South had exported 615000 bales察in 1861察only 10127 bales。  In 1862 half the spindles of Manchester were idle察the workmen were out of employment察the owners were without dividends。  It was chiefly by these manufacturing capitalists that pressure was put upon the ministry察and it was in the manufacturing district that Gladstone察thinking the Government was likely to intervene察made his allusion to the South as a nation。

Meanwhile the Emperor of the French was considering a proposal to England and Russia to join with him in mediation between the American belligerents。  On October 28察1862察Napoleon III gave audience to the Confederate envoy at Paris察discussed the Southern cause in the most friendly manner察questioned him upon the Maryland campaign察plainly indicated his purpose to attempt intervention察and at parting cordially shook hands with him。 Within a few days the Emperor made good his implied promise。

The month of November察1862察is one of the turningpoints in American foreign relations。  Both Russia and England rejected France's proposal。  The motive usually assigned to the Emperor Alexander is his hatred of everything associated with slavery。 His own most famous action was the liberation of the Russian serfs。 The motives of the British ministry察however察appear more problematical。

Mr。 Rhodes thinks he can discern evidence that Adams communicated indirectly to Palmerston the contents of a dispatch from Seward which indicated that the United States would accept war rather than mediation。  Palmerston had kept his eyes upon the Maryland campaign察and Lee's withdrawal did not increase his confidence in the strength of the South。  Lord Russell察two months previous察had flatly told the Confederate envoy at London that the South need not hope for recognition unless it could establish itself without aid察and that ;the fluctuating events of the war察the alternation of defeat and victory察─composed such a contradictory situation that ;Her Majesty's Government are still determined to wait。;

Perhaps the veiled American warningassuming it was conveyed to Palmerston察which seems highly probablewas not the only diplomatic innuendo of the autumn of 1862 that has escaped the pages of history。  Slidell at Paris察putting together the statements of the British Ambassador and those of the French Minister of Foreign Affairs察found in them contradictions as to what was going on between the two governments in relation to America。  He took a hand by attempting to inspire M。 Drouyn de L'huys with distrust of England察telling him he ;HAD SEEN。。。a letter from a leading member of the British Cabinet。。。in which he very plainly insinuated that France was playing an unfair game察─trying to use England as Napoleon's catspaw。  Among the many motives that may well have animated the Palmerston Government in its waiting policy察a distrust of Napoleon deserves to be considered。

It is scarcely rash察however察to find the chief motive in home politics。  The impetuous Gladstone at Newcastle lost his head and spoke too soon。  The most serious effect of his premature utterance was the prompt reaction of the ;Northern party; in the Cabinet and in the country。  Whatever Palmerston's secret desires were察he was not prepared to take the high hand察and he therefore permitted other members of the Cabinet to state in public that Gladstone had been misunderstood。  In an interview with Adams察Lord Russell察 whilst endeavoring to excuse Mr。 Gladstone察─assured him that ;the policy of the Government was to adhere to a strict neutrality and leave the struggle to settle itself。;  In the last analysis察the Northern party in England was gaining ground。  The news from America察possibly察and Gladstone's rashness察certainly察roused it to increased acti

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