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abraham lincoln and the union-及2准

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ell´to´do intellectuals。  Of these察the latter gave utterance察first察to their faith in democracy察and then察with all the intensity of partisan zeal察to their sense of the North as the agent of democracy。  The prosperous laborers applauded this expression of anopinion in which they thoroughly believed and at the same time gave their willing support to a land policy that was typically Northern。

American economic history in the middle third of the century is essentially the record of a struggle to gain possession of public land。  The opposing forces were the South察which strove to perpetuate by this means a social system that was fundamentally aristocratic察and the North察which sought by the same means to foster its ideal of democracy。  Though the South察with the aid of its economic vassal察the Northern capitalist class察was for some time able to check the land´hunger of the Northern democrats察it was never able entirely to secure the control which it desired察but was always faced with the steady and continued opposition of the real North。  On one occasion in Congress察the heart of the whole matter was clearly shown察for at the very moment when the Northerners of the democratic class were pressing one of their frequent schemes for free land察Southerners and their sympathetic Northern henchmen were furthering a scheme that aimed at the purchase of Cuba。  From the impatient sneer of a Southerner that the Northerners sought to give ;land to the landless; and the retort that the Southerners seemed equally anxious to supply ;niggers to the niggerless察─it can be seen that American history is sometimes better summed up by angry politicians than by historians。

We must be on our guard察however察against ascribing to either side too precise a consciousness of its own motives。  The old days when the American Civil War was conceived as a clear´cut issue are as a watch in the night that has passed察and we now realize that historical movements are almost without exception the resultants of many motives。  We have come to recognize that men have always misapprehended themselves察contradicted themselves察obeyed primal impulses察and then deluded themselves with sophistications upon the springs of action。  In a word察unaware of what they are doing察men allow their aesthetic and dramatic senses to shape their conceptions of their own lives。

That ;great impersonal artist察─of whom Matthew Arnold has so much to say察is at work in us all察subtly making us into illusions察first to ourselves and later to the historian。  It is the business of history察as of analytic fiction察both to feel the power of these illusions and to work through them in imagination to the dim but potent motives on which they rest。  We are prone to forget that we act from subconscious quite as often as from conscious influences察from motives that arise out of the dim parts of our being察from the midst of shadows that psychology has only recently begun to lift察where senses subtler than the obvious make use of fear察intuition察prejudice察habit察and illusion察and too often play with us as the wind with blown leaves。

True as this is of man individually察it is even more fundamentally true of man collectively察of parties察of peoples。  It is a strikingly accurate description of the relation of the two American nations that now found themselves opposed within the Republic。  Neither fully understood the other。  Each had a social ideal that was deeper laid than any theory of government or than any commercial or humanitarian interest。  Both knew vaguely but with sure instinct that their interests and ideals were irreconcilable。  Each felt in its heart the deadly passion of self´preservation。  It was because察in both North and South察men were subtly conscious that a whole social system was the issue at stake察and because on each side they believed in their own ideals with their whole souls察that察when the time came for their trial by fire察they went to their deaths singing。

In the South there still obtained the ancient ideal of territorial aristocracy。  Those long traditions of the Western European peoples which had made of the great landholder a petty prince lay beneath the plantation life of the Southern States。  The feudal spirit察revived in a softer world and under brighter skies察gave to those who participated in it the same graces and somewhat the same capacities which it gave to the knightly class in the days of Rolandcourage察frankness察generosity察ability in affairs察a sense of responsibility察the consciousness of caste。  The mode of life which the planters enjoyed and which the inferior whites regarded as a social paradise was a life of complete deliverance from toil察of disinterested participation in local government察of absolute personal freedoma life in which the mechanical action of law was less important than the more human compulsion of social opinion察and in which private differences were settled under the code of honor。

This Southern life was carried on in the most appropriate environment。  On a landed estate察often larger than many of Europe's baronies察stood the great house of the planter察usually a graceful example of colonial architecture察surrounded by stately gardens。  This mansion was the center of a boundless hospitality察guests were always coming and going察the hostess and her daughters were the very symbols of kindliness and ease。  To think of such houses was to think of innumerable joyous days察of gentlemen galloping across country after the hounds察of coaches lumbering along avenues of noble oaks察bringing handsome women to visit the mansion察of great feastings察of nights of music and dancing察above all察of the great festival of Christmas察celebrated much as had been the custom in ;Merrie England; centuries before。

Below the surface of this bright world lay the enslaved black race。 In the minds of many Southernersit was always a secret burden from which they saw no means of freeing themselves。  To emancipate the slaves察and thereby to create a population of free blacks察was generally considered察from the white point of view察an impossible solution of the problem。  The Southerners usually believed that the African could be tamed only in small groups and when constantly surrounded by white influence察as in the case of house servants。  Though a few great capitalists had taken up the idea that the deliberate exploitation of the blacks was the high prerogative of the whites察the general sentiment of the Southern people was more truly expressed by Toombs when he said此 The question is not whether we could be more prosperous and happy with these three and a half million slaves in Africa察and their places filled with an equal number of hardy察intelligent察and enterprising citizens of the superior race察but it is simply whether察while we have them among us察we would be most prosperous with them in freedom or in bondage。;

The Southern people察in the majority of instances察had no hatred of the blacks。  In the main they led their free察spirited察and gracious life察convinced that the maintenance of slavery was but making the best of circumstances which were beyond their control。 It was these Southern people who were to hear from afar the horrible indictment of all their motives by the Abolitionists and who were to react in a growing bitterness and distrust toward everything Northern。

But of these Southern people the average Northerner knew nothing。 He knew the South only on its least attractive side of professional politics。  For there was a group of powerful magnates察rich planters or ;slave barons察─who easily made their way into Congress察and who played into the hands of the Northern capitalists察for a purpose similar to theirs。  It was these men who forced the issue upon slavery察they warned the common people of the North to mind their own business察and for doing so they were warmly applauded by the Northern capitalist class。  It was therefore in opposition to the whole American world of organized capital that the Northern masses demanded the use of ;the Northern hammer;as Sumner put it察in one of his most furious speechesin their aim to destroy a section where察intuitively察they felt their democratic ideal could not be realized。

And what was that ideal拭 Merely to answer democracy is to dodge the fundamental question。  The North was too complex in its social structure and too multitudinous in its interests to confine itself to one type of life。  It included all sorts and conditions of menfrom the most gracious of scholars who lived in romantic ease among his German and Spanish books察and whose lovely house in Cambridge is forever associated with the noble presence of Washington察to the hardy frontiersman察breaking the new soil of his Western claim察whose wife at sunset shaded her tired eyes察under a hand rough with labor察as she stood on the threshold of her log cabin察watching for the return of her man across the weedy fields which he had not yet fully subdued。  Far apart as were Longfellow and this toiler of the West察they yet felt themselves to be one in purpose。

They were democrats察but not after the simple察elementary manner of the democrats at the opening of the century。  In the North察there had come to life a peculiar phase of idealism that ha

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