abraham lincoln and the union-第19节

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ear　when　he　believed　that　he　was　losing　his　second　election。　　Behind　all　his　gentleness；　his　slowness；　behind　his　sadness；　there　will　eventually　appear　an　inflexible　purpose；　strong　as　steel；　unwavering　as　fate。

The　Civil　War　was　in　truth　Lincoln's　war。　　Those　modern　pacifists　who　claim　him　for　their　own　are　beside　the　mark。　　They　will　never　get　over　their　illusions　about　Lincoln　until　they　see；　as　all　the　world　is　beginning　to　see；　that　his　career　has　universal　significance　because　of　its　bearing　on　the　universal　modern　problem　of　democracy。　　It　will　not　do　ever　to　forget　that　he　was　a　man　of　the　people；　always　playing　the　hand　of　the　people；　in　the　limited　social　sense　of　that　word；　though　playing　it　with　none　of　the　heat　usually　met　with　in　the　statesmen　of　successful　democracy　from　Cleon　to　Robespierre；　from　Andrew　Jackson　to　Lloyd　George。　His　gentleness　does　not　remove　Lincoln　from　that　stern　category。　Throughout　his　life；　besides　his　passion　for　the　Union；　besides　his　antipathy　to　slavery；　there　dwelt　in　his　very　heart　love　of　and　faith　in　the　plain　people。　　We　shall　never　see　him　in　true　historic　perspective　until　we　conceive　him　as　the　instrument　of　a　vast　social　ideathe　determination　to　make　a　government　based　on　the　plain　people　successful　in　war。

He　did　not　scruple　to　seize　power　when　he　thought　the　cause　of　the　people　demanded　it；　and　his　enemies　were　prompt　to　accuse　him　of　holding　to　the　doctrine　that　the　end　justified　the　meansa　hasty　conclusion　which　will　have　to　be　reconsidered；　what　concerns　us　more　closely　is　the　definite　conviction　that　he　felt　no　sacrifice　too　great　if　it　advanced　the　happiness　of　the　generality　of　mankind。

The　final　significance　of　Lincoln　as　a　statesman　of　　democracy　is　brought　out　most　clearly　in　his　foreign　relations。　　Fate　put　it　into　the　hands　of　England　to　determine　whether　his　Government　should　stand　or　fall。　　Though　it　is　doubtful　how　far　the　turning　of　the　scale　of　English　policy　in　Lincoln's　favor　was　due　to　the　influence　of　the　rising　power　of　English　democracy；　it　is　plain　that　Lincoln　thought　of　himself　as　having　one　purpose　with　that　movement　which　he　regarded　as　an　ally。　　Beyond　all　doubt　among　the　most　grateful　messages　he　ever　received　were　the　New　Year　greetings　of　confidence　and　sympathy　which　were　sent　by　English　workingmen　in　1863。　　A　few　sentences　in　his　〃Letter　to　the　Workingmen　of　London〃　help　us　to　look　through　his　eyes　and　see　his　life　and　its　struggles　as　they　appeared　to　him　in　relation　to　world　history：

〃As　these　sentiments　＇expressed　by　the　English　workmen＇　are　manifestly　the　enduring　support　of　the　free　institutions　of　England；　so　am　I　sure　that　they　constitute　the　only　reliable　basis　for　free　institutions　throughout　the　world。。。。　　The　resources；　advantages；　and　power　of　the　American　people　are　very　great；　and　they　have　consequently　succeeded　to　equally　great　responsibilities。　It　seems　to　have　devolved　upon　them　to　test　whether　a　government　established　on　the　principles　of　human　freedom　can　be　maintained　against　an　effort　to　build　one　upon　the　exclusive　foundation　of　human　bondage。　　They　will　rejoice　with　me　in　the　new　evidence　which　your　proceedings　furnish　that　the　magnanimity　they　are　exhibiting　is　justly　estimated　by　the　true　friends　of　freedom　and　humanity　in　foreign　countries。〃

Written　at　the　opening　of　that　terrible　year；　1863；　these　words　are　a　forward　link　with　those　more　celebrated　words　spoken　toward　its　close　at　Gettysburg。　　Perhaps　at　no　time　during　the　war；　except　during　the　few　days　immediately　following　his　own　reelection　a　year　later；　did　Lincoln　come　so　near　being　free　from　care　as　then。　　Perhaps　that　explains　why　his　fundamental　literary　power　reasserted　itself　so　remarkably；　why　this　speech　of　his　at　the　dedication　of　the　National　Cemetery　at　Gettysburg　on　the　19th　of　November；　1863；　remains　one　of　the　most　memorable　orations　ever　delivered：

〃Fourscore　and　seven　years　ago　our　fathers　brought　forth　upon　this　continent　a　new　nation；　conceived　in　liberty；　and　dedicated　to　the　proposition　that　all　men　are　created　equal。

〃Now　we　are　engaged　in　a　great　civil　war；　testing　whether　that　nation；　or　any　nation　so　conceived　and　so　dedicated；　can　long　endure。　　We　are　met　on　a　great　battlefield　of　that　war。　　We　have　come　to　dedicate　a　portion　of　that　field　as　a　final　resting…place　for　those　who　here　gave　their　lives　that　that　nation　might　live。　It　is　altogether　fitting　and　proper　that　we　should　do　this。

〃But　in　a　larger　sense　we　cannot　dedicate；　we　cannot　consecrate；　we　cannot　hallow　this　ground。　　The　brave　men；　living　and　dead；　who　struggled　here；　have　consecrated　it　far　above　our　power　to　add　or　detract。　　The　world　will　little　note　nor　long　remember　what　we　say　here；　but　it　can　never　forget　what　they　did　here。　　It　is　for　us；　the　living；　rather；　to　be　dedicated　here　to　the　unfinished　work　which　they　who　fought　here　have　thus　far　so　nobly　advanced。　　It　is　rather　for　us　to　be　here　dedicated　to　the　great　task　remaining　before　us：　that　from　these　honored　dead　we　take　increased　devotion　to　that　cause　for　which　they　gave　the　last　full　measure　of　devotion；　that　we　here　highly　resolve　that　these　dead　shall　not　have　died　in　vain；　that　this　nation；　under　God；　shall　have　a　new　birth　of　freedom；　and　that　government　of　the　people；　by　the　people；　and　for　the　people；　shall　not　perish　from　the　earth。〃



CHAPTER　VIII。　THE　RULE　OF　LINCOLN

The　fundamental　problem　of　the　Lincoln　Government　was　the　raising　of　armies；　the　sudden　conversion　of　a　community　which　was　essentially　industrial　into　a　disciplined　military　organization。　The　accomplishment　of　so　gigantic　a　transformation　taxed　the　abilities　of　two　Secretaries　of　War。　　The　first；　Simon　Cameron；　owed　his　place　in　the　Cabinet　to　the　double　fact　of　being　one　of　the　ablest　of　political　bosses　and　of　standing　high　among　Lincoln's　competitors　for　the　Presidential　nomination。　　Personally　honest；　he　was　also　a　political　cynic　to　whom　tradition　ascribes　the　epigram　defining　an　honest　politician　as　one　who　〃when　he　is　bought；　will　stay　bought。〃　　As　Secretary　of　War　he　showed　no　particular　ability。

In　1861；　when　the　tide　of　enthusiasm　was　in　flood；　and　volunteers　in　hosts　were　responding　to　acts　of　Congress　for　the　raising　and　maintenance　of　a　volunteer　army；　Cameron　reported　in　December　that　the　Government　had　on　foot　660；971　men　and　could　have　had　a　million　except　that　Congress　had　limited　the　number　of　volunteers　to　be　received。　　When　this　report　was　prepared；　Lincoln　was；　so　to　speak；　in　the　trough　of　two　seas。　　The　devotion　which　had　been　offered　to　him　in　April；　1861；　when　the　North　seemed　to　rise　as　one　man；　had　undergone　a　reaction。　　Eight　months　without　a　single　striking　military　success；　together　with　the　startling　defeat　at　Bull　Run；　had　had　their　inevitable　effect。　　Democracies　are　mercurial；　variability　seems　to　be　part　of　the　price　of　freedom。　With　childlike　faith　in　their　cause；　the　Northern　people；　in　midsummer；　were　crying；　〃On　to　Richmond！〃　　In　the　autumn；　stung　by　defeat；　they　were　ready　to　cry；　〃Down　with　Lincoln。〃

In　a　subsequent　report；　the　War　Department　confessed　that　at　the　beginning　of　hostilities；　〃nearly　all　our　arms　and　ammunition〃　came　from　foreign　countries。　　One　great　reason　why　no　military　successes　relieve　the　gloom　of　1861　was　that；　from　a　soldier's　point　of　view；　there　were　no　armies。　　Soldiers；　it　is　true；　there　were　in　myriads；　but　arms；　ammunition；　and　above　all；　organization　were　lacking。　　The　supplies　in　the　government　arsenals　had　been　provided　for　an　army　of　but　a　few　thousand。　　Strive　as　they　would；　all　the　factories　in　the　country　could　not　come　anywhere　near　making　arms　for　half　a　million　men；　nor　did　the　facilities　of　those　days　make　it　possible　for　munition　plants　to　spring　up　overnight。　　Had　it　not　been　that　the　Confederacy　was　equally　hard　pushed；　even　harder　pushed；　to　find　arms　and　ammunition；　the　war　would　have　ended　inside　Seward's　ninety　days；　through　sheer　lack　of　powder。

Even　with　the　respite　given　by　the　unpreparedness　of　the　South；　and　while　Lincoln　hurriedly　collected　arms　and　ammunition　from　abroad；　the　startled　nation；　thus　suddenly　forced　into　a　realization　of　what　war　meant；　lost　its　head。　　From　its　previous　reckless　trust　in　sheer　enthusiasm；　it　reacted　to　a　distrust　of　almost　everything。　　Why　were　the　soldiers　not　armed？　　Why　did　not　millions　of　rounds　of　cartridges　fall　like　manna　out　of　the　sky？　Why　did　not　the　crowds　of　volunteers　become　armies　at　a　word　of　command？　　One　of　the　darkest　pages　in　American　history　records　the　way　in　which　the　crowd；　undisciplined　to　endure　strain；　turned　upon　Lincoln　in　its　desire　to　find　in　the　conduct　of　their　leader　a　pretext　for　venting　upon　him　the　fierceness　of　their　anxiety。　Such　a　pretext　they　found　in　his　treatment　of　Fremont。

The　singular　episode　of　Fremont's　arrogance　in　1861　is　part　of　the　story　of　the　border　States　whose　friendship　was　eagerly　sought　by　both　sidesMaryland；　Kentucky；　Missouri；　and　those　mountainous　counties　which　in　time　were　to　become　West　Virginia。　　To　retain　Maryland　and　thus　to　keep　open　the　connection　between　the　Capital　and　the　North　was　one　of　Lincoln's　deepest　anxieties。　　By　degrees　the　hold　of　the　Government　in　Maryland　was　made　secure；　and　the　State　never　sece