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abraham lincoln and the union-及11准

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looked upon as the ultimate cause of all the turmoil。  His famous speech on the ;irrepressible conflict; was everywhere quoted as an exultant prophecy of these terrible latter days。

It was long the custom to deny to Seward any good motive in a speech which he now delivered察just as it was to deny Webster any good motive for his famous 7th of March speech。  But such criticism is now less frequent than it used to be。  Both men were seeking the Presidency察both察we may fairly believe察were shocked by the turmoil of political currents察each tried oiling the waters察and in the attempt each ruined his candidacy。  Seward's speech in condemnation of John Brown in February察1860察was an appeal to the conservative North against the radical North察and to many of his followers it seemed a change of front。  It certainly gained him no new friends and it lost him some old ones察so that his star as a presidential candidate began its decline。

The first ballot in the Republican convention surprised the country。  Of the votes察233 were necessary for a choice。  Seward had only 173 1/2。  Next to him察with 102 votes察stood none of the leading candidates察but the comparatively obscure Lincoln。  A gap of more than 50 votes separated Lincoln from Cameron察Chase察and Bates。  On the second ballot Seward gained 11 votes察while Lincoln gained 79。  The enemies of Seward察finding it impossible to combine on any of the conspicuous candidates察were moving toward Lincoln察the man with fewest enemies。  The third ballot gave Lincoln the nomination。

We have seen that one of the basal questions of the time was which new political group should absorb the Whig remainder。  The Constitutional Union party aimed to accomplish this。  The Republicans sought to out´maneuver them。  They made their platform as temperate as they could and yet consistent with the maintenance of their opposition to Douglas and popular sovereignty察and they went no further in their anti´slavery demands than that the territories should be preserved for free labor。

Another basal question had been considered in the Republican platform。  Where would Northern capital stand in the reorganization of parties拭 Was capital察like men察to become frankly sectional or would it remain impersonal察careless how nations rose or fell察so long as dividends continued拭 To some extent capital had given an answer。  When察in the excitement following the John Brown incident察a Southern newspaper published a white list of New York merchants whose political views should commend them to Southerners察and a black list of those who were objectionable察many New Yorkers sought a place in the white list。 Northern capital had done its part in financing the revived slave trade。 August Belmont察the New York representative of the Rothschilds察was one of the close allies of Davis察Yancey察and Benjamin in their war upon Douglas。  In a word察a great portion of Northern capital had its heart where its investments werein the South。 But there was other capital which obeyed the same law察and which had investments in the North察and with this capital the Republicans had been trafficking。  They had succeeded in winning over the powerful manufacturing interests of Pennsylvania察the pivotal State that had elected Buchanan in 1856。

The steps by which the new party of enthusiasm made its deal with the body of capital which was not at one with Belmont and the Democrats are not essential to the present narrative。  Two facts suffice。  In 1857 a great collapse in American business;the panic of fifty´seven;led the commercial world to turn to the party in power for some scheme of redress。  But their very principles察among which was non´intervention in business察made the Democrats feeble doctors for such a need察and they evaded the situation。  The Republicans察with their insistence on positivism in government察had therefore an opportunity to make a new application of the doctrine of governmental aid to business。  In the spring of 1860察the Republican House of Representatives passed the Morrill tariff bill察consideration of which was postponed by the Democratic Senate。  But it served its purpose此it was a Republican manifesto。  The Republicans felt that this bill察together with their party platform察gave the necessary guarantee to the Pennsylvania manufacturers察and they therefore entered the campaign confident they would carry Pennsylvania nor was their confidence misplaced。

The campaign was characterized by three things此by an ominous quiet coupled with great intensity of feeling察by the organization of huge party societies in military form;Wide´awakes; for Lincoln察numbering 400000察and ;Minute Men; for Breckenridge察with a membership chiefly Southern察and by the perfect frankness察in all parts of the South察of threats of secession in case the Republicans won。

In none of the States which eventually seceded were any votes cast for Lincoln察with the exception of a small number in Virginia。  In almost all the other Southern States and in the slave´holding border States察all the other candidates made respectable showings。 In Virginia察Tennessee察and Kentucky察Bell led。  But everywhere else in the other slave´holding States Breckinridge led察excepting in Missouri where Douglas won by a few hundred。  Every free State except New Jersey went for Lincoln。  And yet he did not have a majority of the popular vote察which stood此Lincoln察1866459察Douglas察1376957察Breckinridge察849781察Bell察588879*。  The majority against Lincoln was nearly a million。  The distribution of the votes was such that Lincoln had in the Electoral College察180 electors察Breckinridge察72察Bell察39察Douglas察12。  In neither House of Congress did the Republicans have a majority。

*The figures of the popular vote are variously given by different compilers。  These are taken from Stanwood察 A History of the Presidency;。



CHAPTER V。 SECESSION

In tracing American history from 1854 to 1860 we cannot fail to observe that it reduces itself chiefly to a problem in that science which politicians understand so wellapplied psychology。 Definite types of men moulded by the conditions of those days are the determining factorsnot the slavery question in itself察not察primarily察economic forces察not a theory of government察nor a clash of theories察not any one thing察but the fluid察changeful forces of human nature察battling with circumstances and expressing themselves in the fashion of men's minds。  To say this is to acknowledge the fatefulness of sheer feeling。  Davis described the situation exactly when he said察in 1860察 A sectional hostility has been substituted for a general fraternity。;  To his own question察 Where is the remedy拭─he gave the answer察 In the hearts of the people。;  There察after all察is the conclusion of the whole matter。  The strife between North and South had ceased to be a thing of the head察it had become a thing of the heart。  Granted the emotions of 1860察the way in which our country staggered into war has all the terrible fascination of a tragedy on the theme of fate。

That a secession movement would begin somewhere in the South before the end of 1860 was a foregone conclusion。  South Carolina was the logical place察and in South Carolina the inevitable occurred。  The presidential election was quickly followed by an election of delegates察on the 6th of December察to consider in convention the relations of the State with the Union。  The arguments before the Convention were familiar and had been advocated since 1851。  The leaders of the disunionists were the same who had led the unsuccessful movement of ten years before。 The central figure was Rhett察who never for a moment had wavered。 Consumed his life long by the one idea of the independence of South Carolina察that stern enthusiast pressed on to a triumphant conclusion。  The powers which had defeated him in 1851 were now either silent or converted察so that there was practically no opposition。  In a burst of passionate zeal the independence of South Carolina was proclaimed on December 20察1860察by an ordinance of secession。

Simultaneously察by one of those dramatic coincidences which make history stranger than fiction察Lincoln took a step which supplemented this action and established its tragic significance。 What that step was will appear in a moment。

Even before the secession began察various types of men in politics had begun to do each after his kind。  Those whom destiny drove first into a corner were the lovers of political evasion。  The issue was forced upon them by the instantaneous demand of the people of South Carolina for possession of forts in Charleston Harbor which were controlled by the Federal Government。 Anticipating such a demand察Major Robert Anderson察the commandant at Charleston察had written to Buchanan on the 23d of November that ;Fort Sumter and Castle Pinckney must be garrisoned immediately察if the Government determines to keep command of this harbor。;

In the mind of every American of the party of political evasion察there now began a sad察internal conflict。  Every one of them had to choose among three courses此to shut his eyes and to continue to wail that the function of government is to do nothing察to make an end of political evasion and to come out frankly in approval of the 

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