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 of a man with piercing blue eyes察and Judah P。 Benjamin察Senator from Louisiana察whose perpetual smile cloaked an intellect that was nimble察keen察and ruthless。  Both men were destined to play leading roles in the lofty drama of revolution察each was to experience a tragic ending of his political hope察one in exile察the other in a solitary proscription amid the ruins of the society for which he had sacrified his all。  These men察though often spoken of as mere mouthpieces of Yancey察were in reality quite different from him both in temper and in point of view。

Davis察who was destined eventually to become the target of Yancey's bitterest enmity察had refused ten years before to join in the secession movement which ignored Calhoun's doctrine that the South had become a social unit。  Though a believer in slavery under the conditions of the moment察Davis had none of the passion of the slave baron for slavery at all costs。  Furthermore察as events were destined to show in a startlingly dramatic way察he was careless of South Carolina's passion for state rights。  He was a practical politician察but not at all the old type of the party of political evasion察the type of Toombs。  No other man of the moment was on the whole so well able to combine the elements of Southern politics against those more negative elements of which Toombs was the symbol。  The history of the Confederacy shows that the combination which Davis now effected was not as thorough as he supposed it was。  But at the moment he appeared to succeed and seemed to give common purpose to the vast majority of the Southern people。  With his ally Benjamin察he struck at the Toombs policy of a National Democratic party。

On the day following the election of Pennington察Davis introduced in the Senate a series of resolutions which were to serve as the Southern ultimatum察and which demanded of Congress the protection of slavery against territorial legislatures。  This was but carrying to its logical conclusion that Dred Scott decision which Douglas and his followers proposed to accept。  If Congress could not restrict slavery in the territories察how could its creature察a territorial legislature do so拭 And yet the Douglas men attempted to take away the power from Congress and to retain it for the territorial legislatures。  Senator Pugh of Ohio had already locked horns with Davis on this point察and had attempted to show that a territorial Legislature was independent of Congress。 ;Then I would ask the Senator further察─retorted the logical Davis察 why it is he makes an appropriation to pay members of the territorial legislature察how it is that he invests the Governor with veto power over their acts察and how it is that he appoints judges to decide upon the validity of their acts。;

In the Democratic convention which met at Charleston in April察1860察the waning power of political evasion made its last real stand against the rising power of political positivism。  To accept Douglas and the idea that somehow territorial legislatures were free to do what Congress could not do察or to reject Douglas and endorse Davis's ultimatumthat in substance was the issue。  ;In this convention where there should be confidence and harmony察─said the ;Charleston Mercury;察 it is plain that men feel as if they were going into a battle。;  In the committee on resolutions where the States were equally represented察the majority were anti´Douglas察they submitted a report affirming Davis's position that territorial legislatures had no right to prohibit slavery and that the Federal Government should protect slavery against them。 The minority refused to go further than an approval of the Dred Scott case and a pledge to abide by all future decisions of the Supreme Court。  After both reports had been submitted察there followed the central event of the conventionthe now famous speech by Yancey which repudiated political evasion from top to bottom察frankly defended slavery察and demanded either complete guarantees for its continued existence or察as an alternative察Southern independence。  Pugh instantly replied and summed up Yancey's speech as a demand upon Northern Democrats to say that slavery was right察and that it was their duty not only to let slavery alone but to aid in extending it。  ;Gentlemen of the South察─he exclaimed察 you mistake usyou mistake uswe will not do it。;

In the full convention察where the representation of the States was not equal察the Douglas men察after hot debate察forced the adoption of the minority report。  Thereupon the Alabama delegation protested and formally withdrew from the convention察and other delegations followed。  There was wild excitement in Charleston察where that evening in the streets Yancey addressed crowds that cheered for a Southern republic。  The remaining history of the Democratic nominations is a matter of detail。  The Charleston convention adjourned without making nominations。  Each of its fragments reorganized as a separate convention察and ultimately two Democratic tickets were put into the field察with Breckinridge of Kentucky as the candidate on the Yancey ticket and Douglas on the other。

While the Democrats were thus making history through their fateful break´up into separate parties察a considerable number of the so´called best people of the country determined that they had nowhere politically to lay their heads。  A few of the old Whigs were still unable to consort either with Republicans or with Democrats察old or new。  The Know´Nothings察likewise察though their number had been steadily melting away察had not entirely disappeared。  To unite these political remnants in any definite political whole seemed beyond human ingenuity。  A common sentiment察however察they did havea real love of the Union and a real unhappiness察because its existence appeared to be threatened。  The outcome was that they organized the Constitutional Union Party察nominating for President John Bell of Tennessee察and for Vice President Edward Everett of Massachusetts。  Their platform was little more than a profession of love of the Union and a condemnation of sectional selfishness。

This Bell and Everett ticket has a deeper significance than has generally been admitted。  It reveals the fact that the sentiment of Union察in distinction from the belief in the Union察had become a real force in American life。  There could be no clearer testimony to the strength of this feeling than this spectacle of a great congregation of moderate people察unable to agree upon anything except this sentiment察stepping between the sectional parties like a resolute wayfarer going forward into darkness along a perilous strand between two raging seas。  That this feeling of Union was the same thing as the eager determination of the Republicans察in 1860察to control the Government is one of those historical fallacies that have had their day。  The Republican party became察in time and under stress of war察the refuge of this sentiment and proved sufficiently far´sighted to merge its identity temporarily in the composite Union party of 1864。  But in 1860 it was still a sectional party。  Among its leaders Lincoln was perhaps the only Unionist in the same sense as Bell and Everett。

Perhaps the truest Unionists of the North察outside the Constitutional Union Party察in 1860察were those Democrats in the following of Douglas who察after fighting to the last ditch against both the sectional parties察were to accept察in 1861察the alternative of war rather than dissolution。  The course of Douglas himself察as we shall see hereafter察showed that in his mind there was a fixed limit of concession beyond which he could not go。 When circumstances forced him to that limit察the sentiment of Union took control of him察swept aside his political jugglery察abolished his time´serving察and drove him into cooperation with his bitterest foes that the Union might be saved。  Nor was the pure sentiment of Union confined to the North and West。  Though undoubtedly the sentiment of locality was more powerful through the South察yet when the test came in the election of 1860察the leading candidate of the upper South察in Virginia察Kentucky察and Tennessee察was John Bell察the Constitutional Unionist。  In every Southern State this sentiment was able to command a considerable part of the vote。*

*A possible exception was South Carolina。  As the presidential electors were appointed by the legislature察there is no certain record of minority sentiment。


Widely different in temper were those stern and resolute men whose organization察in perfect fighting trim察faced eagerly the divided Democrats。  The Republicans had no division among themselves upon doctrine。  Such division as existed was due to the ordinary rivalry of political leaders。  In the opinion of all his enemies and of most Americans察Seward was the Republican man of the hour。 During much of 1859 he had discreetly withdrawn from the country and had left to his partisans the conduct of his campaign察which seems to have been going well when he returned in the midst of the turmoil following the death of John Brown。  Nevertheless he was disturbed over his prospects察for he found that in many minds察both North and South察he was looked upon as the ultimate cause of all the turmoil。  His famous speech on the ;irrepressible confl

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