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money　into　the　hands　of　twelve　hundred　persons　acting　for　nothing；

and　under　no　responsibility；　is　entirely　inefficient。　　Some　other

must　be　thought　of；　and　during　this　pause；　if　it　be　only　for　a　year；

the　whole　revenue　of　that　year；　with　that　of　the　last　three　years

which　has　not　been　already　thrown　away；　would　place　our　University　in

readiness　to　start　with　a　better　organization　of　primary　schools；　and

both　may　then　go　on；　hand　in　hand；　for　ever。　　No　diminution　of　the

capital　will　in　this　way　have　been　incurred；　a　principle　which　ought

to　be　deemed　sacred。　　A　relinquishment　of　interest　on　the　late　loan

of　sixty　thousand　dollars；　would　so　far；　also；　forward　the　University

without　lessening　the　capital。




　　　　　　　　But　what　may　be　best　done　I　leave　with　entire　confidence　to

yourself　and　your　colleagues　in　legislation；　who　know　better　than　I

do　the　conditions　of　the　literary　fund　and　its　wisest　applications

and　I　shall　acquiesce　with　perfect　resignation　to　their　will。　　I　have

brooded；　perhaps　with　fondness；　over　this　establishment；　as　it　held

up　to　me　the　hope　of　continuing　to　be　useful　while　I　continued　to

live。　　I　had　believed　that　the　course　and　circumstances　of　my　life

had　placed　within　my　power　some　services　favorable　to　the　outset　of

the　institution。　　But　this　may　be　egoism；　pardonable；　perhaps；　when　I

express　a　consciousness　that　my　colleagues　and　successors　will　do　as

well；　whatever　the　legislature　shall　enable　them　to　do。




　　　　　　　　I　have　thus；　my　dear　Sir；　opened　my　bosom；　with　all　its

anxieties；　freely　to　you。　　I　blame　nobody　for　seeing　things　in　a

different　light。　　I　am　sure　that　all　act　conscientiously；　and　that

all　will　be　done　honestly　and　wisely　which　can　be　done。　　I　yield　the

concerns　of　the　world　with　cheerfulness　to　those　who　are　appointed　in

the　order　of　nature　to　succeed　to　them；　and　for　yourself；　for　our

colleagues；　and　for　all　in　charge　of　our　country's　future　fame　and

fortune；　I　offer　up　sincere　prayers。







　　　　　　　　A　DANGEROUS　EXAMPLE




　　　　　　　　_To　Jedidiah　Morse_

　　　　　　　　_Monticello；　March　6；　1822_




　　　　　　　　SIR；　　I　have　duly　received　your　letter　of　February　the　16th；

and　have　now　to　express　my　sense　of　the　honorable　station　proposed　to

my　ex…brethren　and　myself；　in　the　constitution　of　the　society　for　the

civilization　and　improvement　of　the　Indian　tribes。　　The　object　too

expressed；　as　that　of　the　association；　is　one　which　I　have　ever　had

much　at　heart；　and　never　omitted　an　occasion　of　promoting；　while　I

have　been　in　situations　to　do　it　with　effect；　and　nothing；　even　now；

in　the　calm　of　age　and　retirement；　would　excite　in　me　a　more　lively

interest　than　an　approvable　plan　of　raising　that　respectable　and

unfortunate　people　from　the　state　of　physical　and　moral　abjection；　to

which　they　have　been　reduced　by　circumstances　foreign　to　them。　　That

the　plan　now　proposed　is　entitled　to　unmixed　approbation；　I　am　not

prepared　to　say；　after　mature　consideration；　and　with　all　the

partialities　which　its　professed　object　would　rightfully　claim　from

me。




　　　　　　　　I　shall　not　undertake　to　draw　the　line　of　demarcation　between

private　associations　of　laudable　views　and　unimposing　numbers；　and

those　whose　magnitude　may　rivalise　and　jeopardise　the　march　of

regular　government。　　Yet　such　a　line　does　exist。　　I　have　seen　the

days；　they　were　those　which　preceded　the　Revolution；　when　even　this

last　and　perilous　engine　became　necessary；　but　they　were　days　which

no　man　would　wish　to　see　a　second　time。　　That　was　the　case　where　the

regular　authorities　of　the　government　had　combined　against　the　rights

of　the　people；　and　no　means　of　correction　remained　to　them；　but　to

organise　a　collateral　power；　which；　with　their　support；　might　rescue

and　secure　their　violated　rights。　　But　such　is　not　the　case　with　our

government。　　We　need　hazard　no　collateral　power；　which；　by　a　change

of　its　original　views；　and　assumption　of　others　we　know　not　how

virtuous　or　how　mischievous；　would　be　ready　organised　and　in　force

sufficient　to　shake　the　established　foundations　of　society；　and

endanger　its　peace　and　the　principles　on　which　it　is　based。　　Is　not

the　machine　now　proposed　of　this　gigantic　stature？　　It　is　to　consist

of　the　ex…Presidents　of　the　United　States；　the　Vice　President；　the

Heads　of　all　the　executive　departments；　the　members　of　the　supreme

judiciary；　the　Governors　of　the　several　States　and　territories；　all

the　members　of　both　Houses　of　Congress；　all　the　general　officers　of

the　army；　the　commissioners　of　the　navy；　all　Presidents　and

Professors　of　colleges　and　theological　seminaries；　all　the　clergy　of

the　United　States；　the　Presidents　and　Secretaries　of　all　associations

having　relation　to　Indians；　all　commanding　officers　within　or　near

Indian　territories；　all　Indian　superintendants　and　agents；　all　these

_ex…officio_；　and　as　many　private　individuals　as　will　pay　a　certain

price　for　membership。　　Observe　too；　that　the　clergy　will　constitute

（*）　nineteen　twentieths　of　this　association；　and；　by　the　law　of　the

majority；　may　command　the　twentieth　part；　which；　composed　of　all　the

high　authorities　of　the　United　States；　civil　and　military；　may　be

outvoted　and　wielded　by　the　nineteen　parts　with　uncontrollable　power；

both　as　to　purpose　and　process。　　Can　thisformidable　array　be　reviewed

without　dismay？　　It　will　besaid；　that　in　this　association　will　be　all

the　confidential　officers　of　the　government；　the　choice　of　the　people

themselves。　　No　man　on　earth　has　more　implicit　confidence　than　myself

in　the　integrity　and　discretion　of　this　chosen　band　of　servants。　　But

is　confidence　or　discretion；　or　is　_strict　limit_；　the　principle　of

our　constitution？　　It　will　comprehend；　indeed；　all　the　functionaries

of　the　government；　but　seceded　from　their　constitutional　stations　as

guardians　of　the　nation；　and　acting　not　by　the　laws　of　their　station；

but　by　those　of　a　voluntary　society；　having　no　limit　to　their

purposes　but　the　same　will　which　constitutes　their　existence。　　It

will　be　the　authorities　of　the　people　and　all　influential　characters

from　among　them；　arrayed　on　one　side；　and　on　the　other；　the　people

themselves　deserted　by　their　leaders。　　It　is　a　fearful　array。　　It

will　be　said；　that　these　are　imaginary　fears。　　I　know　they　are　so　at

present。　　I　know　it　is　as　impossible　for　these　agents　of　our　choice

and　unbounded　confidence；　to　harbor　machinations　against　the　adored

principles　of　our　constitution；　as　for　gravity　to　change　its

direction；　and　gravid　bodies　to　mount　upwards。　　The　fears　are　indeed

imaginary：　but　the　example　is　_real_。　　Under　its　authority；　as　a

precedent；　future　associations　will　arise　with　objects　at　which　we

should　shudder　at　this　time。　　The　society　of　Jacobins；　in　another

country；　was　instituted　on　principles　and　views　as　virtuous　as　ever

kindled　the　hearts　of　patriots。　　It　was　the　pure　patriotism　of　their

purposes　which　extended　their　association　to　the　limits　of　the

nation；　and　rendered　their　power　within　it　boundless；　and　it　was　this

power　which　degenerated　their　principles　and　practices　to　such

enormities；　as　never　before　could　have　been　imagined。　　Yet　these　were

men；　and　we　and　our　descendants　will　be　no　more。　　The　present　is　a

case　where；　if　ever；　we　are　to　guard　against　ourselves；　not　against

ourselves　as　we　are；　but　as　we　may　be；　for　who　can　now　imagine　what

we　may　become　under　circumstances　not　now　imaginable？　　The　object　too

of　this　institution；　seems　to　require　so　hazardous　an　example　as

little　as　any　which　could　be　proposed。　　The　government　is；　at　this

time；　going　on　with　the　process　of　civilising　the　Indians；　on　a　plan

probably　as　promising　as　any　one　of　us　is　able　to　devise；　and　with

resources　more　competent　than　we　could　expect　to　command　by　voluntary

taxation。　　Is　it　that　the　new　characters　called　into　association　with

those　of　the　government；　are　wiser　than　these？　　Is　it　that　a　plan

originated　by　a　meeting　of　private　individuals；　is　better　than　that

prepared　by　the　concentrated　wisdom　of　the　nation；　of　men　not

self…chosen；　but　clothed　with　the　full　confidence　of　the　people？　　Is

it　that　there　is　no　danger　that　a　new　authority；　marching；

independently；　along　side　of　the　government；　in　the　same　line　and　to

the　same　object；　may　not　produce　collision；　may　not　thwart　and

obstruct　the　operations　of　the　government；　or　wrest　the　object

entirely　from　their　hands？　　Might　we　not　as　well　appoint　a　committee

for　each　department　of　the　government；　to　counsel　and　direct　its　head

separately；　as　volunteer　ourselves　to　counsel　and　direct　the　whole；

in　mass？　　And　might　we　not　do　it　as　well　for　their　foreign；　their

fiscal；　and　their　military；　as　for　their　Indian　affairs？　　And　how

many　societies；　auxiliary　to　the　government；　may　we　expect　to　see

spring　up；　in　imitation　of　this；　offering　to　associate　themselves　in

this　and　that　of　its　functions？　　In　a　word；　why　not　take　the

government　out　of　its　constitutional　hands；　associate　them　indeed

with　us；　to　pr