representative government-第33节
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be asked to what length the principle admits of being carried； or how many votes might be accorded to an individual on the ground of superior qualifications； I answer； that this is not in itself very material； provided the distinctions and gradations are not made arbitrarily； but are such as can be understood and accepted by the general conscience and understanding。 But it is an absolute condition not to overpass the limit prescribed by the fundamental principle laid down in a former chapter as the condition of excellence in the constitution of a representative system。 The plurality of votes must on no account be carried so far that those who are privileged by it； or the class （if any） to which they mainly belong； shall outweigh by means of it all the rest of the community。 The distinction in favour of education； right in itself； is further and strongly recommended by its preserving the educated from the class legislation of the uneducated； but it must stop short of enabling them to practise class legislation on their own account。 Let me add； that I consider it an absolutely necessary part of the plurality scheme that it be open to the poorest individual in the community to claim its privileges； if he can prove that； in spite of all difficulties and obstacles； he is； in point of intelligence； entitled to them。 There ought to be voluntary examinations at which any person whatever might present himself； might prove that he came up to the standard of knowledge and ability laid down as sufficient； and be admitted； in consequence； to the plurality of votes。 A privilege which is not refused to any one who can show that he has realised the conditions on which in theory and principle it is dependent would not necessarily be repugnant to any one's sentiment of justice： but it would certainly be so； if； while conferred on general presumptions not always infallible； it were denied to direct proof。 Plural voting； though practised in vestry elections and those of poor…law guardians； is so unfamiliar in elections to Parliament that it is not likely to be soon or willingly adopted： but as the time will certainly arrive when the only choice will be between this and equal universal suffrage； whoever does not desire the last； cannot too soon begin to reconcile himself to the former。 In the meantime； though the suggestion； for the present； may not be a practical one； it will serve to mark what is best in principle； and enable us to judge of the eligibility of any indirect means； either existing or capable of being adopted； which may promote in a less perfect manner the same end。 A person may have a double vote by other means than that of tendering two votes at the same hustings； he may have a vote in each of two different constituencies： and though this exceptional privilege at present belongs rather to superiority of means than of intelligence； I would not abolish it where it exists； since until a truer test of education is adopted it would be unwise to dispense with even so imperfect a one as is afforded by pecuniary circumstances。 Means might be found of giving a further extension to the privilege； which would connect it in a more direct manner with superior education。 In any future Reform Bill which lowers greatly the pecuniary conditions of the suffrage； it might be a wise provision to allow all graduates of universities； all persons who have passed creditably through the higher schools； all members of the liberal professions； and perhaps some others； to be registered specifically in those characters； and to give their votes as such in any constituency in which they choose to register； retaining； in addition； their votes as simple citizens in the localities in which they reside。 Until there shall have been devised； and until opinion is willing to accept； some mode of plural voting which may assign to education； as such； the degree of superior influence due to it； and sufficient as a counterpoise to the numerical weight of the least educated class； for so long the benefits of completely universal suffrage cannot be obtained without bringing with them； as it appears to me； a chance of more than equivalent evils。 It is possible； indeed （and this is perhaps one of the transitions through which we may have to pass in our progress to a really good representative system）； that the barriers which restrict the suffrage might be entirely levelled in some particular constituencies； whose members； consequently； would be returned principally by manual labourers； the existing electoral qualification being maintained elsewhere； or any alteration in it being accompanied by such a grouping of the constituencies as to prevent the labouring class from becoming preponderant in Parliament。 By such a compromise； the anomalies in the representation would not only be retained； but augmented： this however is not a conclusive objection； for if the country does not choose to pursue the right ends by a regular system directly leading to them； it must be content with an irregular makeshift； as being greatly preferable to a system free from irregularities； but regularly adapted to wrong ends； or in which some ends equally necessary with the others have been left out。 It is a far graver objection； that this adjustment is incompatible with the intercommunity of local constituencies which Mr。 Hare's plan requires； that under it every voter would remain imprisoned within the one or more constituencies in which his name is registered； and unless willing to be represented by one of the candidates for those localities； would not be represented at all。 So much importance do I attach to the emancipation of those who already have votes； but whose votes are useless； because always outnumbered； so much should I hope from the natural influence of truth and reason； if only secured a hearing and a competent advocacy that I should not despair of the operation even of equal and universal suffrage； if made real by the proportional representation of all minorities； on Mr。 Hare's principle。 But if the best hopes which can be formed on this subject were certainties； I should still contend for the principle of plural voting。 I do not propose the plurality as a thing in itself undesirable； which； like the exclusion of part of the community from the suffrage； may be temporarily tolerated while necessary to prevent greater evils。 I do not look upon equal voting as among the things which are good in themselves； provided they can be guarded against inconveniences。 I look upon it as only relatively good； less objectionable than inequality of privilege grounded on irrelevant or adventitious circumstances； but in principle wrong； because recognising a wrong standard； and exercising a bad influence on the voter's mind。 It is not useful； but hurtful； that the constitution of the country should declare ignorance to be entitled to as much political power as knowledge。 The national institutions should place all things that they are concerned with before the mind of the citizen in the light in which it is for his good that he should regard them： and as it is for his good that he should think that every one is entitled to some influence； but the better and wiser to more than others； it is important that this conviction should be professed by the State； and embodied in the national institutions。 Such things constitute the spirit of the institutions of a country： that portion of their influence which is least regarded by common； and especially by English； thinkers； though the institutions of every country； not under great positive oppression； produce more effect by their spirit than by any of their direct provisions； since by it they shape the national character。 The American institutions have imprinted strongly on the American mind that any one man （with a white skin） is as good as any other； and it is felt that this false creed is nearly connected with some of the more unfavourable points in American character。 It is not small mischief that the constitution of any country should sanction this creed； for the belief in it； whether express or tacit； is almost as detrimental to moral and intellectual excellence any effect which most forms of government can produce。 It may； perhaps； be said； that a constitution which gives equal influence； man for man； to the most and to the least instructed； is nevertheless conducive to progress； because the appeals constantly made to the less instructed classes； the exercise given to their mental powers； and the exertions which the more instructed are obliged to make for enlightening their judgment and ridding them of errors and prejudices； are powerful stimulants to their advance in intelligence。 That this most desirable effect really attends the admission of the less educated classes to some； and even to a large share of power； I admit； and have already strenuously maintained。 But theory and experience alike prove that a counter current sets in when they are made the possessors of all power。 Those who are supreme over everything； whether they be One； or Few； or Many； have no longer need of the arms of reason： they can make their mere will prevail； and those who cannot be resisted are usually far too well satisfied with their own opinion to be willing to change them； or listen
