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小说: representative government 字数: 每页4000字

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 able; to fulfil if they choose。 They leave the suffrage accessible to all who are in the normal condition of a human being: and if any one has to forego it; he either does not care sufficiently for it to do for its sake what he is already bound to do; or he is in a general condition of depression and degradation in which this slight addition; necessary for security of others; would be unfelt; and on emerging from which; this mark of inferiority would disappear with the rest。   In the long run; therefore (supposing no restrictions to exist but those of which we have now treated); we might expect that all; except that (it is to be hoped) progressively diminishing class; the recipients of parish relief; would be in possession of votes; so that the suffrage would be; with that slight abatement; universal。 That it should be thus widely expanded is; as we have seen; absolutely necessary to an enlarged and elevated conception of good government。 Yet in this state of things; the great majority of voters; in most countries; and emphatically in this; would be manual labourers; and the twofold danger; that of too low a standard of political intelligence; and that of class legislation; would still exist in a very perilous degree。 It remains to be seen whether any means exist by which these evils can be obviated。   They are capable of being obviated; if men sincerely wish it; not by any artificial contrivance; but by carrying out the natural order of human life; which recommends itself to every one in things in which he has no interest or traditional opinion running counter to it。 In all human affairs; every person directly interested; and not under positive tutelage; has an admitted claim to a voice; and when his exercise of it is not inconsistent with the safety of the whole; cannot justly be excluded from it。 But though every one ought to have a voice… that every one should have an equal voice is a totally different proposition。 When two persons who have a joint interest in any business differ in opinion; does justice require that both opinions should be held of exactly equal value? If; with equal virtue; one is superior to the other in knowledge and intelligence… or if; with equal intelligence; one excels the other in virtue… the opinion; the judgment; of the higher moral or intellectual being is worth more than that of the inferior: and if the institutions of the country virtually assert that they are of the same value; they assert a thing which is not。 One of the two; as the wiser or better man; has a claim to superior weight: the difficulty is in ascertaining which of the two it is; a thing impossible as between individuals; but; taking men in bodies and in numbers; it can be done with a certain approach to accuracy。 There would be no pretence for applying this doctrine to any case which could with reason be considered as one of individual and private right。 In an affair which concerns only one of two persons; that one is entitled to follow his own opinion; however much wiser the other may be than himself。 But we are speaking of things which equally concern them both; where; if the more ignorant does not yield his share of the matter to the guidance of the wiser man; the wiser man must resign his to that of the more ignorant。 Which of these modes of getting over the difficulty is most for the interest of both; and most conformable to the general fitness of things? If it be deemed unjust that either should have to give way; which injustice is greatest? that the better judgment should give way to the worse; or the worse to the better?   Now; national affairs are exactly such a joint concern; with the difference; that no one needs ever be called upon for a complete sacrifice of his own opinion。 It can always be taken into the calculation; and counted at a certain figure; a higher figure being assigned to the suffrages of those whose opinion is entitled to greater weight。 There is not; in this arrangement; anything necessarily invidious to those to whom it assigns the lower degrees of influence。 Entire exclusion from a voice in the common concerns is one thing: the concession to others of a more potential voice; on the ground of greater capacity for the management of the joint interests; is another。 The two things are not merely different; they are incommensurable。 Every one has a right to feel insulted by being made a nobody; and stamped as of no account at all。 No one but a fool; and only a fool of a peculiar description; feels offended by the acknowledgment that there are others whose opinion; and even whose wish; is entitled to a greater amount of consideration than his。 To have no voice in what are partly his own concerns is a thing which nobody willingly submits to; but when what is partly his concern is also partly another's; and he feels the other to understand the subject better than himself; that the other's opinion should be counted for more than his own accords with his expectations; and with the course of things which in all other affairs of life he is accustomed to acquiese in。 It is only necessary that this superior influence should be assigned on grounds which he can comprehend; and of which he is able to perceive the justice。   I hasten to say that I consider it entirely inadmissible; unless as a temporary makeshift; that the superiority of influence should be conferred in consideration of property。 I do not deny that property is a kind of test; education in most countries; though anything but proportional to riches; is on the average better in the richer half of society than in the poorer。 But the criterion is so imperfect; accident has so much more to do than merit with enabling men to rise in the world; and it is so impossible for any one; by acquiring any amount of instruction; to make sure of the corresponding rise in station; that this foundation of electoral privilege is always; and will continue to be; supremely odious。 To connect plurality of votes with any pecuniary qualification would be not only objectionable in itself; but a sure mode of discrediting the principle; and making its permanent maintenance impracticable。 The Democracy; at least of this country; are not at present jealous of personal superiority; but they are naturally and must justly so of that which is grounded on mere pecuniary circumstances。 The only thing which can justify reckoning one person's opinion as equivalent to more than one is individual mental superiority; and what is wanted is some approximate means of ascertaining that。 If there existed such a thing as a really national education or a trustworthy system of general examination; education might be tested directly。 In the absence of these; the nature of a person's occupation is some test。 An employer of labour is on the average more intelligent than a labourer; for he must labour with his head; and not solely with his hands。 A foreman is generally more intelligent than an ordinary labourer; and a labourer in the skilled trades than in the unskilled。 A banker; merchant; or manufacturer is likely to be more intelligent than a tradesman; because he has larger and more complicated interests to manage。   In all these cases it is not the having merely undertaken the superior function; but the successful performance of it; that tests the qualifications; for which reason; as well as to prevent persons from engaging nominally in an occupation for the sake of the vote; it would be proper to require that the occupation should have been persevered in for some length of time (say three years)。 Subject to some such condition; two or more votes might be allowed to every person who exercises any of these superior functions。 The liberal professions; when really and not nominally practised; imply; of course; a still higher degree of instruction; and wherever a sufficient examination; or any serious conditions of education; are required before entering on a profession; its members could be admitted at once to a plurality of votes。 The same rule might be applied to graduates of universities; and even to those who bring satisfactory certificates of having passed through the course of study required by any school at which the higher branches of knowledge are taught; under proper securities that the teaching is real; and not a mere pretence。 The 〃local〃 or 〃middle class〃 examination for the degree of Associate; so laudably and public…spiritedly established by the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge; and any similar ones which may be instituted by other competent bodies (provided they are fairly open to all comers); afford a ground on which plurality of votes might with great advantage be accorded to those who have passed the test。 All these suggestions are open to much discussion in the detail; and to objections which it is of no use to anticipate。 The time is not come for giving to such plans a practical shape; nor should I wish to be bound by the particular proposals which I have made。 But it is to me evident; that in this direction lies the true ideal of representative government; and that to work towards it; by the best practical contrivances which can be found; is the path of real political improvement。   If it be asked to what length the principle admits of being carried; or how many votes might be accorded 

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