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第23节

representative government-第23节

小说: representative government 字数: 每页4000字

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he motive the man。 What it is the man's interest to do or refrain from depends less on any outward circumstances than upon what sort of man he is。 If you wish to know what is practically a man's interest; you must know the cast of his habitual feelings and thoughts。 Everybody has two kinds of interests; interests which he cares for; and interests which he does not care for。 Everybody has selfish and unselfish interests; and a selfish man has cultivated the habit of caring for the former; and not caring for the latter。 Every one has present and distant interests; and the improvident man is he who cares for the present interests and does not care for the distant。 It matters little that on any correct calculation the latter may be the more considerable; if the habits of his mind lead him to fix his thoughts and wishes solely on the former。 It would be vain to attempt to persuade a man who beats his wife and ill…treats his children that he would be happier if he lived in love and kindness with them。 He would be happier if he were the kind of person who could so live; but he is not; and it is probably too late for him to become; that kind of person。 Being what he is; the gratification of his love of domineering; and the indulgence of his ferocious temper; are to his perceptions a greater good to himself than he would be capable of deriving from the pleasure and affection of those dependent on him。 He has no pleasure in their pleasure; and does not care for their affection。 His neighbour; who does; is probably a happier man than he; but could he be persuaded of this; the persuasion would; most likely; only still further exasperate his malignity or his irritability。 On the average; a person who cares for other people; for his country; or for mankind; is a happier man than one who does not; but of what use is it to preach this doctrine to a man who cares for nothing but his own ease; or his own pocket? He cannot care for other people if he would。 It is like preaching to the worm who crawls on the ground how much better it would be for him if he were an eagle。   Now it is a universally observed fact that the two evil dispositions in question; the disposition to prefer a man's selfish interests to those which he shares with other people; and his immediate and direct interests to those which are indirect and remote; are characteristics most especially called forth and fostered by the possession of power。 The moment a man; or a class of men; find themselves with power in their hands; the man's individual interest; or the class's separate interest; acquires an entirely new degree of importance in their eyes。 Finding themselves worshipped by others; they become worshippers of themselves; and think themselves entitled to be counted at a hundred times the value of other people; while the facility they acquire of doing as they like without regard to consequences insensibly weakens the habits which make men look forward even to such consequences as affect themselves。 This is the meaning of the universal tradition; grounded on universal experience; of men's being corrupted by power。 Every one knows how absurd it would be to infer from what a man is or does when in a private station; that he will be and do exactly the like when a despot on a throne; where the bad parts of his human nature; instead of being restrained and kept in subordination by every circumstance of his life and by every person surrounding him; are courted by all persons; and ministered to by all circumstances。 It would be quite as absurd to entertain a similar expectation in regard to a class of men; the Demos; or any other。 Let them be ever so modest and amenable to reason while there is a power over them stronger than they; we ought to expect a total change in this respect when they themselves become the strongest power。   Governments must be made for human beings as they are; or as they are capable of speedily becoming: and in any state of cultivation which mankind; or any class among them; have yet attained; or are likely soon to attain; the interests by which they will be led; when they are thinking only of self…interest; will be almost exclusively those which are obvious at first sight; and which operate on their present condition。 It is only a disinterested regard for others; and especially for what comes after them; for the idea of posterity; of their country; or of mankind; whether grounded on sympathy or on a conscientious feeling; which ever directs the minds and purposes of classes or bodies of men towards distant or unobvious interests。 And it cannot be maintained that any form of government would be rational which required as a condition that these exalted principles of action should be the guiding and master motives in the conduct of average human beings。 A certain amount of conscience; and; of disinterested public spirit; may fairly be calculated on in the citizens of any community ripe for representative government。 But it would be ridiculous to expect such a degree of it; combined with such intellectual discernment; as would be proof against any plausible fallacy tending to make that which was for their class interest appear the dictate of justice and of the general good。   We all know what specious fallacies may be urged in defence of every act of injustice yet proposed for the imaginary benefit of the mass。 We know how many; not otherwise fools or bad men; have thought it justifiable to repudiate the national debt。 We know how many; not destitute of ability; and of considerable popular influence; think it fair to throw the whole burthen of taxation upon savings; under the name of realised property; allowing those whose progenitors and themselves have always spent all they received to remain; as a reward for such exemplary conduct; wholly untaxed。 We know what powerful arguments; the more dangerous because there is a portion of truth in them; may be brought against all inheritance; against the power of bequest; against every advantage which one person seems to have over another。 We know how easily the uselessness of almost every branch of knowledge may be proved; to the complete satisfaction of those who do not possess it。 How many; not altogether stupid men; think the scientific study of languages useless; think ancient literature useless; all erudition useless; logic and metaphysics useless; poetry and the fine arts idle and frivolous; political economy purely mischievous? Even history has been pronounced useless and mischievous by able men。 Nothing but that acquaintance with external nature; empirically acquired; which serves directly for the production of objects necessary to existence or agreeable to the senses; would get its utility recognised if people had the least encouragement to disbelieve it。 Is it reasonable to think that even much more cultivated minds than those of the numerical majority can be expected to be will have so delicate a conscience; and so just an appreciation of what is against their own apparent interest; that they will reject these and the innumerable other fallacies which will press in upon them from all quarters as soon as they come into power; to induce them to follow their own selfish inclinations and short…sighted notions of their own good; in opposition to justice; at the expense of all other classes and of posterity?   One of the greatest dangers; therefore; of democracy; as of all other forms of government; lies in the sinister interest of the holders of power: it is the danger of class legislation; of government intended for (whether really effecting it or not) the immediate benefit of the dominant class; to the lasting detriment of the whole。 And one of the most important questions demanding consideration; in determining the best constitution of a representative government; is how to provide efficacious securities against this evil。   If we consider as a class; politically speaking; any number of persons who have the same sinister interest… that is; whose direct and apparent interest points towards the same description of bad measures; the desirable object would be that no class; and no combination of classes likely to combine; should be able to exercise a preponderant influence in the government。 A modern community; not divided within itself by strong antipathies of race; language; or nationality; may be considered as in the main divisible into two sections; which; in spite of partial variations; correspond on the whole with two divergent directions of apparent interest。 Let us call them (in brief general terms) labourers on the one hand; employers of labour on the other: including however along with employers of labour; not only retired capitalists; and the possessors of inherited wealth; but all that highly paid description of labourers (such as the professions) whose education and way of life assimilate them with the rich; and whose prospect and ambition it is to raise themselves into that class。 With the labourers; on the other hand; may be ranked those smaller employers of labour; who by interests; habits; and educational impressions are assimilated in wishes; tastes; and objects to the labouring classes; comprehending a large proportion of petty tradesmen。 In a state of society thus composed; if the representative system cou

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