vill2-第31节
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y time of the summer and autumn。 Such boon…work was considered as a kind of surplus demand; it exceeded the normal distribution of work。 It is often mentioned accordingly that such service is performed out of affection for the lord; and sometimes it gets the eloquent name of 'love…bene。' In proportion as the manorial administration gets more work done in this exceptional manner; it becomes more and more gracious in regard to the people。 'Dry requests' (siccae precariae) are followed by 'requests with beer' (precariae cerevisiae)。 But it was not beer alone that could be got on such days。 Here is a description of the customs of Borle; a manor belonging to Christ Church; Canterbury; in Essex。 'And let it be known that when he; the villain; with other customers shall have done cutting the hay on the meadow in Raneholm; they will receive by custom three quarters of wheat for baking bread; and one ram of the price of eighteen pence; and one pat of butter; and one piece of cheese of the second sort from the lord's dairy; and salt; and oatmeal for cooking a stew' and all the morning milk from all the cows in the dairy; and for every day a load of hay。 He may also take as much grass as he is able to lift on the point of his scythe。 And when the mown grass is carried away; he has a right to one cart。 And he is bound to carry sheaves; and for each service of this kind he will receive one sheaf; called 〃mene…schef。〃 And whenever he is sent to carry anything with his cart; he shall have oats; as usual; so much; namely; as he can thrice take with his hand。(116*) All such customs seem very strange and capricious at first sight。 But it is to be noticed that they occur in different forms everywhere; and that they were by no means mere oddities; they became a real and sometimes a heavy burden for the landlord。 The authorities; the so…called 'Inquisitiones post mortem' especially; often strike a kind of balance between the expense incurred and the value of the work performed。 By the end of the thirteenth century it is generally found that both ends are just made to meet in cases of extra work attended by extra feeding; and in some instances it is found that the lord has to lay out more than he gets back。(117*) The rise in the prices of commodities had rendered the service unprofitable。 No wonder that such 'boon…work' has to be given up or to be commuted for money。 These regularly recurring liberationes or liberaturae as they are called; that is; meals and provender delivered to the labourers; have their counterpart in the customary arrangement of the amount and kind of services。 I shall have to speak of their varieties and usual forms in another connexion; but it must be noticed now; that these peasants unprotected at law were under the rule of orderly custom。 W e have seen already that the payments and duties which followed from the subjection of the villains were for the most part fixed according to constant rules in each particular case。 The same may be said of the economical pressure exercised in the shape of service and rent。 It did not depend on the caprice of the lord; although it depended theoretically on his will。 The villains of a manor in Leicestershire are not bound to work at weeding the demesne fields unless by their own consent; that is by agreement。(118*) A baker belonging to Glastonbury Abbey is not bound to carry loads unless a cart is provided him。(119*) A survey of Ely mentions that some peasants are made to keep a hedge in order as extra work and without being fed。 But it is added that the jurors of the village protest against such an obligation; as heretofore unheard of。(120*) All these customs and limitations may; of course; be broken and slighted by the lord; but such violent action on his part will be considered as gross injustice; and may lead to consequences unpleasant for him to riots and desertion。 It is curious that the influence of custom makes itself felt slowly but surely among the most debased of the villains。 The Oxfordshire Hundred Roll treats for instance of the servi of Swincombe。 They pay merchet; if any of them dies without making his will the whole of his moveable property falls to the lord。 They are indeed degraded。 And still the lord does not tallage them at pleasure; they are secure in the possession of their waynage (salvo contenemento)。(121*) We may sum up the results already obtained by our analysis of manorial documents in the following propositions: 1。 The terminology of the feudal period and the treatment of tenure in actual life testify to the fact that the chief stress lay more on tenure than on status; more on economical condition than on legal distinctions。 2。 The subdivisions of the servile class and the varieties of service and custom show that villainage was a complex mould into which several heterogeneous elements had been fused。 3。 The life of the villain is chiefly dependent on custom; which is the great characteristic of medieval relations; and which stands in sharp contrast with slavery on the one hand and with freedom on the other。
NOTES:
1。 Thorold Rogers has made great use of this last class of manorial documents in his well…known books。
2。 Bracton; 271 b。
3。 Bracton; 124。
4。 Cartulary of Malmesbury (Rolls Series); ii。 186: 'Videlicet quod prefatus Ricardus concessit praedictis abbati et conventui et eorum tenentibus; tam rusticis; quam liberis quod ipsi terras suas libere pro voluntate sua excolant。'
5。 As to the Warwickshire Hundred Roll in the Record Office; see my letter in the Athenaeum; 1883; December 22。
6。 Rot。 Hundred。 ii。 471; a: 'Libere tenentes prioris de Swaveseia。。。。 Henricus Palmer 1 mesuagium et 3 rodas terre reddens 12 d。 et 2 precarias。 Servi Adam scot tenet 10 acras reddens 4s。 et 6 precarias。。。。 Cotarii。。。。。'
7。 Rot。 Hundred。 ii。 715。 a: 'In servitute tenentes。 Assunt et ibidem 10 tenentes qui tenent 10 virgatas terre in villenagio et operantur ad voluntatem domini et reddunt per annum 25 s。'
8。 Rot。 Hundred。 ii。 690。 691: 'Villani servi…custumarii。 Et tenent ut villani; ut servi; ut libere tenentes。' Rot Hundred。 ii。 544; b: 'De custumariis Johannes Samar tenet 1 mesuagium et 1 croft。。。。 per servicium 3 sol。 2 d。 et secabit 2 acras et dim。; falcabit per 1 diem。 De servis。 Nicholaus Dilkes tenet 15 acras et faciet per annum 144 opera et metet 2 acras。 De aliis servis。。。。 De cotariis。。。。 De aliis cotariis。'
9。 Rot。 Hundred。 ii。 528; a: 'Henr。 de Walpol habet latinos (corr。 nativos); qui tenent 180 acras terre et redd。 10 libr。 et 8 sol。 et 4 d。 et ob。 Nomina eorum qui tenent de Henrico de Walpol in villenagio。' Chapter House; County Boxes; Salop。 14; c: 'Libere tenentes。。。。 Coterelli。。。。 Nativi。'
10。 Hale; in his Introduction to the Domesday of St。 Paul's; xxiv; speaks of the 'nativi a principio' of Navestock; and distinguishes them from the villains。 'The ordinary praedial services due from the tenentes or villani were not required to be performed in person; and whether in the manor or out of it the villanus was not in legal language 〃sub potestate domini。〃 Not so the nativus。' Hale's explanation is not correct; but the twofold division is noticed by him。
11。 Domesday of St。 Paul's; 157 (Articuli visitationis): 'An villani sive custumarii vendant terras。 Item; an nativi custumarii maritaverunt filias…vel vendiderint vitulum vel arbores succidant。' A Suffolk case is even more clear。 Registrum cellararii of Bury St。 Edmunds; Cambridge University Gg。 iv。 4; f 30; b: 'Gersumarius vel custumarius qui nativus est。。。。 Antecessor recognovit se nativum domini abbatis in curia domini regis。'
12。 Cartulary of Eynsham in Oxfordshire; MS。 of the Chapter of Christ Church in Oxford; N。 27; p。 25; a: 'In primis Willelmus le Brewester nativus domini tenet de dictis prato et terris。。。'
13。 Eynsham Cartulary; 49; b: 'Johannes Kolyns nativus domini tenet I virgatam terre cum pertinenciis in bondagio。'
14。 Cartulary of St。 Mary of Worcester (Camden Series); 15。 a: 'Nativi; cum ad aetatem pervenerint nisi immediate serviant patri…faciant 4 benripas et forinsici similiter。' Survey of Okeburn; Q。 R; Anc。 Miscell。 Alien Priories; 2/2: 'Aliquis nativus non potest recedere sine licencia neque catalla amovere nec extraneus libertatem dominorum ad commorandum ingrediat sine licentia。'
15。 Domesday of St。 Paul's; 80: 'Nativi a principio。 Isti tenent terras operarias。'
16。 Queen's Remembrancer's Miscellanies; 902…62: 'Rotuli de libertate de Tynemouth; de liberis hominibus; non de nativis。'
17。 Queen's Remembrancer's Miscellanies; 902 77: 'Nativi de Sebrighteworth (Proavus extraneus)。' See App。 X。
18。 Warwickshire Hundr。 Roll; Queen's Remembrancers Miscellaneous Books; 29; 19; b: 'Johannes le Clerc tenet 1 virg。 terre pro eodem sed est libere condicionis。' Augment。 Off。; Duchy of Lancaster; Court Rolls; Bundle 32; 283: 'Unum mesuagium et 19 acre terre in Holand que sunt in manu domini per mortem W。 qui eas tenuit in bondagio; Ipse fuit liber; quia natus fuit extra libertatem domini。'
19。 Glastonbury Inquisitions of 1189 (Roxburghe Series); 48: 'Radulfus niet tenet dimidiam virgatam。'
20。 Glastonbury Inquis。 Roxburghe Series); 26: 'Rogerus P。 tenet virg。 terre: pro una medietate dat。 xxx d et pro alia medietate