vill2-第22节

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nem　manerii　et　ville。'　A。　r。　r。　Edw。　xxiii；　m。　8；　v：　'Nicholaus　de　Aula　reddit　sursum　unam　dimidiam　acram　terre　ad　opus　Willelmi　ad　portam　de　Broucton。。。。　Et　preceptum　preposito　respondere　de　exitibus　eiusdem　terre　quia　est　extraneus。。。　Johannes　Arnold　reddit　sursum　duas　rodas　terre　ad　opus　Hugonis　Palmeri。。。　Et　preceptum　est　quod　ponatur　in　seysinam；　quia　est　de　sanguine　de　Riptone　Regis。'

98。　Court　Rolls　of　King's　Ripton；　Augment。　Off。　xxiii。　94；　m。　15：　'Curia　de　Kingsripton　tenta　die　Jovis　proxima　post　translacionem　St　Benedicti　anno　r。　r。　E。　xxix　et　dom。　Joh。　＇abb。　xv。　Venit＇　Willelmus　fil。　Thome　Unfroy　de　Kingesripton　et　reddidit　sursum　in　manibus　senescalli　totum　jus　quod　＇habuit＇　in　illis　tribus　acris　terre　in　campis　de　Kingesriptone　quondam　Willelmi　capellani　de　eadem　＇villa　ad　opus　filiorum＇　Rogeri　de　Kellawe　extranei　legitime　procreatorum　de　Katerina　filia　Thome　prepositi　que　est　de　con＇dicione　sokemannorum？＇　bondorum　de　Kingesripton。。。。　Rogerus　de　Kellawe　extraneus　qui　se　maritauit　cuidam　Katerine　filie　Thome　prepositi　de　Kingesripton　que　est　de　nacione　et　condicione　eiusdem　ville　venit　et　petiit　in　curia　nomine　filiorum　suorum　ex　legitimo　matrimonio　exeuntium　de　corpore　prefate　Katerine　illas　vi　acras　terre。。。。　（Juratores　dicunt）　quod　nichil　inde　sciunt　nec　aliquid　super　isto　articulo　presentare　volunt　ad　presens。　Et　sic　infecto　negocio　maximo　contemptu　domini　et　balliuorum　suorum　extra　curiam　recesserunt。　Et　ideo　preceptum　est　balliuis　quod　die　in。。。　faciant　de　eisdem　juratis　xl　solidos　ad　opus　domini。'

99。　Stoneleigh　Reg。；　30　（Edward　II　injunction）：　'Et　quidam　forinseci　qui　sokemanni　non　sunt　auctoritate　Sua　propria　et　per　negligenciam　dicti　Abbatis　et　conuentus；　ut　dicitur；　a　quibusdam　sokemannorum　illorum　quasdam　terras　et　tenementa　alienaverunt。　Nos　igitur　super　premissis　plenius　certiorari　uolentes　assignavimus　vos　una　cum　his；　quos　vobis　associaveritis；　ad　inquirendum　qui　sokemanni　huiusmodi　terras　et　tenementa　ibidem　alienauerunt　huiusmodi　forinsecis　aut　extrinsecis　et　quibus；'　etc。　Cf　the　Statute　of　I　Richard　II；　Stat。　I。　cap。　6。　It　was　altogether　a　dangerous　transaction　for　the　socmen；　because　they　were　risking　their　privileges　thereby。　It　must　have　been　lucrative。

100。　Placitorum　Abbrev。；　p。　270　（Coram　Rege；　Mich。　7/8　Edw。　I）：　'Et　eciam　comperto　in　libro　de　Domesday　quod　non　fit　aliqua　mencio　de　sokemannis　set　tantummodo　de　villanis　et　servis　et　eciam　comperto　per　inquisicionem　quod　multi　eorum　sunt　adventicii　quibus　tenementa　sua　tradita　fuerunt　ad　voluntatem　dominorum　suorum。。。　consideraverunt　quod　predictus　Galfridus　eat　inde　sine　die　et　quod　predicti　homines　teneant　tenementa　predicta　in　predicto　manerio　per　servilia　servicia　si　voluerint；　salvo　statu　corporum　suorum；　et　quod　de　cetero　non　possunt　clamare　aliquod　certum　statum　et　sint　in　misericordia　pro　falso　clameo。'

101。　Bract。　Note…book；　pl。　1227。

102。　Bracton；　f。　7。

103。　Dialogus　de　Scaccario；　i。　10：　'Post　regni　conquisitionem；　post　justam　rebellium　subversionem；　cum　rex　ipse　regisque　proceres　loca　nova　perlustrarent；　facta　est　inquisitio　diligens；　qui　fuerint　qui　contra　regem　in　bello　dimicantes　per　fugam　Se　salvaverint。　His　omnibus　et　item　haeredibus　eorum　qui　in　bello　occubuerunt；　spes　omnis　terrarum　et　fundorum　atque　redituum；　quos　ante　possederant；　praeclusa　est；　magnum　namque　reputabant　frui　vitae　beneficio　sub　inimicis。　Verum　qui　vocati　ad　bellum　nec　dum　convenerant；　vel　familiaribus　vel　quibuslibet　necessariis　occupati　negotiis　non　interfuerant；　cum　tractu　temporis　devotis　obsequiis　gratiam　dominorum　possedissent；　sine　spe　successionis；　sibi　tantum　pro　voluptate　（voluntate？）　tamen　dominorum　possidere　coeperunt。　Succedente　vero　tempore　cum　dominis　suis　odiosi　passim　a　possessionibus　pellerentur；　nec　esset　qui　ablata　restitueret；　communis　indigenarum　ad　regem　pervenit　querimonia；　quasi　sic　omnibus　exosi　et　rebus　spoliati　ad　alienigenas　transire　cogerentur。　Communicato　tandem　super　his　consilio；　decretum　est；　ut　quod　a　dominis　suis　exigentibus　meritis　interveniente　pactione　legitima　poterant　obtinere；　illis　inviolabili　jure　concederentur；　ceterum　autem　nomine　successionis　a　temporibus　subactae　gentis　nihil　sibi　vendicarent。'

104。　Stoneleigh　Reg。；　4　a：　'Que　quidem　maneria　existencia　in　possessione　et　manu　domini　regis　Edwardi　per　universum　regnum　vocantur　antiquumn　dominicum　corone　regis　Anglie　prout　in　libro　de　Domesdav　continetur。'

105。　'Loquebantur　de　tempore　Sti　Edwardi　Regis　coram　W。　de　Wilton。'

106。　The　men　of　King's　Ripton。

107。　I　do　not　think　there　is　any　ground　for　the　suggestion　thrown　out　by　M。　Kovalevsky　in　the　Law　Quarterly；　iv。　p。　271；　namely；　that　the　law　of　ancient　demesne　was　imported　from　Normandy。　Whatever　the　position　of　the　villains　was　in　the　Duchy；　Norman　influence　in　England　made　for　subjection；　because　it　was　the　influence　of　conquest。　It　must　be　remembered　that　in　a　sense　the　feudal　law　of　England　was　the　hardest　of　all　in　Western　Europe；　and　this　on　account　of　the　invasion。

108。　Stubbs；　Const。　Hist。　I。　454：　'In　those　estates；　which；　when　they　had　been　held　by　the　crown　since　the　reign　of　Edward　the　Confessor；　bore　the　title　of　manors　in　ancient　demesne；　very　much　of　the　ancient　popular　process　had　been　preserved　without　any　change；　and　to　the　present　day　some　customs　are　maintained　in　them　which　recall　the　most　primitive　institutions。'　I　shall　have　to　speak　about　the　mode　of　holding　the　courts　in　another　chapter。

Chapter　4

Legal　Aspect　of　Villainage。　Conclusions

　　　　I　have　been　trying　to　make　out　what　the　theories　of　the　lawyers　were　with　regard　to　villainage　in　its　divers　ramifications。　Were　we　to　consider　this　legal　part　of　the　subject　merely　as　a　sort　of　crust　superposed　artificially　over　the　reality　of　social　facts；　we　should　have　to　break　through　the　crust　in　order　to　get　at　the　reality。　But；　of　course；　the　law　regulating　social　conditions　is　not　merely　an　external　superstructure；　but　as　to　social　facts　is　both　an　influence　and　a　consequence。　In　one　sense　it　is　a　most　valuable　product　of　the　forces　at　play　in　the　history　of　society；　most　valuable　just　by　reason　of　the　requirements　of　its　formalism　and　of　those　theoretical　tendencies　which　give　a　very　definite　even　if　a　somewhat　distorted　shape　to　the　social　processes　which　come　within　its　sphere　of　action。　　　　　The　formal　character　of　legal　theory　is　not　only　important　because　it　puts　things　into　order　and　shape；　it　suggests　a　peculiar　and　efficient　method　of　treating　the　historical　questions　connected　with　law。　The　legal　intellect　is　by　its　calling　and　nature　always　engaged　in　analysing　complex　cases　into　constitutive　elements；　and　bringing　these　elements　under　the　direction　of　principles。　It　is　constantly　struggling　with　the　confusing　variety　of　life；　and　from　the　historian's　point　of　view　it　is　most　interesting　when　it　succumbs　in　the　struggle。　There　is　no　law；　however　subtle　and　comprehensive；　which　does　not　exhibit　on　its　logical　surface　seams　and　scars；　testifying　to　the　incomplete　fusing　together　of　doctrines　that　cannot　be　brought　under　the　cover　of　one　principle。　And　so　a　dialectic　examination　of　legal　forms　which　makes　manifest　the　contradictions　and　confused　notions　they　contain　actually　helps　us　to　an　insight　into　the　historical　stratification　of　ideas　and　facts；　a　stratification　which　cannot　be　abolished　however　much　lawyers　may　crave　for　unity　and　logic。　　　　　In　the　particular　case　under　discussion　medieval　law　is　especially　rich　in　such　historical　clues。　The　law　writers　are　trying　hard　to　give　a　construction　of　villainage　on　the　basis　of　the　Roman　doctrine　of　slavery；　but　their　fabric　gives　way　at　every　point。　It　would　be　hardly　a　fair　description　to　say　that　we　find　many　survivals　of　an　older　state　of　things　and　many　indications　of　a　new　development。　Everything　seems　in　a　state　of　vacillation　and　fermentation　during　the　thirteenth　century。　As　to　the　origin　of　the　servile　status　the　law　of　bastards　gets　inverted；　in　the　case　of　matrimony　the　father…rule　is　driving　the　mother…rule　from　the　ground；　the　influence　of　prescription　is　admitted　by　some　lawyers　and　rejected　by　others。　As　to　the　means　whereby　persons　may　issue　out　of　that　condition；　the　views　of　Glanville　and　Bracton　are　diametrically　opposed；　and　there　are　still　traces　in　practice　of　the　notion　that　a　villain　cannot　buy　his　freedom　and　that　he　cannot　be　manumitted　by　the　lord　himself　in　regard　to　third　persons。　In　their　treatment　of　services　in　their　reference　to　status　the　courts　apply　the　two　different　tests　of　certainty　and　of　kind。　In　their　treatment　of　tenure　they　still　hesitate　between　a　complete　denial　of　protection　to　villainage　and　the　recognition　of　it　as　a　mode　of　holding　which　is　protected　by　legal　remedies。　And　even　when　the　chief　lines　are　definitely　drawn　they　only　disclose　fundamental　contradictions　in　all　their　crudeness。　　　　　In　civil　law；　villains　are　disabled　against　their　lords　but　evenly　watched　against　strangers；　even　against　a　lord　legal　protection　is　lingering　in　the　form　of　an　action　upon　covenant　and　in　the　notion　that　the　villain's　wainage　should　be　secure。　In　criminal　and　in　police　law　villains　are　treated　substantially　as　free　persons：　they　have　even　a　share；　although　a　subordinate　one；　in　the　organisation　of　justice。　The　procedur