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democratical frenzy。
    Secondly察Public stocks察being a kind of paper´credit察have
all the disadvantages attending that species of money。 They
banish gold and silver from the most considerable commerce of the
state察reduce them to common circulation察and by that means
render all provisions and labour dearer than otherwise they would
be。
    Thirdly察The taxes察which are levied to pay the interests of
these debts察are apt either to heighten the price of labour察or
be an oppression on the poorer sort。
    Fourthly察As foreigners possess a great share of our national
funds察they render the public察in a manner察tributary to them
and may in time occasion the transport of our people and our
industry。
    Fifthly察The greater part of the public stock being always in
the hands of idle people察who live on their revenue察our funds
in that view察give great encouragement to an useless and unactive
life。
    But though the injury察that arises to commerce and industry
from our public funds察will appear察upon balancing the whole察not
inconsiderable察it is trivial察in comparison of the prejudice
that results to the state considered as a body politic察which
must support itself in the society of nations察and have various
transactions with other states in wars and negociations。 The ill
there察is pure and unmixed察without any favourable circumstance
to atone for it察and it is an ill too of a nature the highest and
most important。
    We have察indeed察been told察that the public is no weaker upon
account of its debts察since they are mostly due among ourselves
and bring as much property to one as they take from another。 It
is like transferring money from the right hand to the left察which
leaves the person neither richer nor poorer than before。 Such
loose reasonings and specious comparisons will always pass察where
we judge not upon principles。 I ask察Is it possible察in the
nature of things察to overburthen a nation with taxes察even where
the sovereign resides among them拭The very doubt seems
extravagant察since it is requisite察in every community察that
there be a certain proportion observed between the laborious and
the idle part of it。 But if all our present taxes be mortgaged
must we not invent new ones拭And may not this matter be carried
to a length that is ruinous and destructive
    In every nation察there are always some methods of levying
money more easy than others察agreeably to the way of living of
the people察and the commodities they make use of。 In GREAT
BRITAIN察the excises upon malt and beer afford a large revenue
because the operations of malting and brewing are tedious察and
are impossible to be concealed察and at the same time察these
commodities are not so absolutely necessary to life察as that the
raising of their price would very much affect the poorer sort。
These taxes being all mortgaged察what difficulty to find new
ones what vexation and ruin of the poor
    Duties upon consumptions are more equal and easy than those
upon possessions。 What a loss to the public察that the former are
all exhausted察and that we must have recourse to the more
grievous method of levying taxes
    Were all the proprietors of land only stewards to the public
must not necessity force them to practise all the arts of
oppression used by stewards察where the absence or negligence of
the proprietor render them secure against enquiry
    It will scarcely be asserted察that no bounds ought ever to be
set to national debts察and that the public would be no weaker
were twelve or fifteen shillings in the pound察land´tax
mortgaged察with all the present customs and excises。 There is
something察therefore察in the case察beside the mere transferring
of property from the one hand to another。 In 500 years察the
posterity of those now in the coaches察and of those upon the
boxes察will probably have changed places察without affecting the
public by these revolutions。
    Suppose the public once fairly brought to that condition察to
which it is hastening with such amazing rapidity察suppose the
land to be taxed eighteen or nineteen shillings in the pound察for
it can never bear the whole twenty察suppose all the excises and
customs to be screwed up to the utmost which the nation can bear
without entirely losing its commerce and industry察and suppose
that all those funds are mortgaged to perpetuity察and that the
invention and wit of all our projectors can find no new
imposition察which may serve as the foundation of a new loan察and
let us consider the necessary consequences of this situation。
Though the imperfect state of our political knowledge察and the
narrow capacities of men察make it difficult to fortel the effects
which will result from any untried measure察the seeds of ruin are
here scattered with such profusion as not to escape the eye of
the most careless observer。
    In this unnatural state of society察the only persons察who
possess any revenue beyond the immediate effects of their
industry察are the stock´holders察who draw almost all the rent of
the land and houses察besides the produce of all the customs and
excises。 These are men察who have no connexions with the state
who can enjoy their revenue in any part of the globe in which
they chuse to reside察who will naturally bury themselves in the
capital or in great cities察and who will sink into the lethargy
of a stupid and pampered luxury察without spirit察ambition察or
enjoyment。 Adieu to all ideas of nobility察gentry察and family。
The stocks can be transferred in an instant察and being in such a
fluctuating state察will seldom be transmitted during three
generations from father to son。 Or were they to remain ever so
long in one family察they convey no hereditary authority or credit
to the possessor察and by this means察the several ranks of men
which form a kind of independent magistracy in a state
instituted by the hand of nature察are entirely lost察and every
man in authority derives his influence from the commission alone
of the sovereign。 No expedient remains for preventing or
suppressing insurrections察but mercenary armies此No expedient at
all remains for resisting tyranny。 Elections are swayed by
bribery and corruption alone此And the middle power between king
and people being totally removed察a grievous despotism must
infallibly prevail。 The landholders察despised for their poverty
and hated for their oppressions察will be utterly unable to make
any opposition to it。
    Though a resolution should be formed by the legislature never
to impose any tax which hurts commerce and discourages industry
it will be impossible for men察in subjects of such extreme
delicacy察to reason so justly as never to be mistaken察or amidst
difficulties so urgent察never to be seduced from their
resolution。 The continual fluctuations in commerce require
continual alterations in the nature of the taxes察which exposes
the legislature every moment to the danger both of wilful and
involuntary error。 And any great blow given to trade察whether by
injudicious taxes or by other accidents察throws the whole system
of government into confusion。
    But what expedient can the public now employ察even supposing
trade to continue in the most flourishing condition察in order to
support its foreign wars and enterprizes察and to defend its own
honour and interests察or those of its allies拭I do not ask how
the public is to exert such a prodigious power as it has
maintained during our late wars察where we have so much exceeded
not only our own natural strength察but even that of the greatest
empires。 This extravagance is the abuse complained of察as the
source of all the dangers察to which we are at present exposed。
But since we must still suppose great commerce and opulence to
remain察even after every fund is mortgaged察these riches must be
defended by proportional power察and whence is the public to
derive the revenue which supports it拭It must plainly be from a
continual taxation of the annuitants察or察which is the same
thing察from mortgaging anew察on every exigency察a certain part of
their annuities察and thus making them contribute to their own
defence察and to that of the nation。 But the difficulties
attending this system of policy察will easily appear察whether we
suppose the king to have become absolute master察or to be still
controuled by national councils察in which the annuitants
themselves must necessarily bear the principal sway。
    If the prince has become absolute察as may naturally be
expected from this situation of affairs察it is so easy for him to
encrease his exactions upon the annuitants察which amount only to
the retaining money in his own hands察that this species of
property would soon lose all its credit察and the whole income of
every individual in the state must lie entirely at the mercy of
the sovereign此A degree of despotism察which no oriental monarchy
has ever yet attained。 If察on the contrary察the consent of the
annuitants be requisite for every taxation察they will never be
persuaded to contribute sufficiently even to the support of
government察as the diminution of their revenue must in that case
be very sensible察would not be disguised under the appearance of
a branch of excise or customs察and would not be 

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