labour defended against the claims of capital-第10节
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the other; but on the one side is the labourer and on the other
the capitalist; and however successful the workmen may be; the
smallest fraction of their produce which the capitalist can
scrape up he will assuredly stay to collect。 The combination of
the workmen will not frighten away their own skill; nor unlearn
them what thy have learned。 Their hand will not forget its
cunning; when its produce goes no longer into the pocket of the
capitalist。 Capitalists; who can grow rich only where there is an
oppressed body of labourers; may probably carry off some of their
cloth; and their corn; and their machines to some country like
Prussia; where the poor people can learn nothing but what the
king and his schoolmasters please; or like France; where a
watchful police allows no man to utter a thought but such as
suits the views of a government and priesthood anxious to restore
despotism and superstition; but they cannot; unless the labourers
please; carry with them the mouths which consume; or the hands
which make their capital useful; and where these are there will
be the productive power。 Our labourers already possess in an
eminent degree the skill to execute; and they are rapidly
acquiring also the skill to contrive。 Never was there a more idle
threat uttered; therefore; than that the combinations of skilled
labourers to obtain greater rewards than they now possess will
drive skilled labour from the country。
This analysis also of the operations of capital leads us at
once boldly to pronounce all those schemes of which we have of
late heard so much for improving countries; by sending capital to
them; to be mere nonsense。 Of what use; for example; would the
butter and salt beef and pork and grain now exported from Ireland
be of in that country if they were to be left there; or if they
were to be sent back? All these articles form some of the most
valuable parts of circulating capital; and so far from there
being any want of them in Ireland; they are constantly exported
in great quantities。 It is plain; therefore; that there is no
want of circulating capital in Ireland; if the capitalist would
allow the wretched producer of it to consume it。 Of what use also
would steam engines or power looms or stocking frames or mining
tools be to the ragged peasantry of Ireland? Of none whatever。
If; indeed; masters and journeymen went over with these
instruments and tools; they might use them; and by consuming at
the same time the circulating capital now exported from Ireland
give the owner of it a large profit; and they might teach the
ignorant and helpless natives how to make use of the various
instruments I have mentioned。 Those who talk of improving
Ireland; or any other country; by capital have a double meaning
in their words。 They know the power of the capitalist over the
labourer; and that whenever the master goes or sends; there also
must the slave labourer go。 But neither the lawmaker nor the
capitalist possesses any miraculous power of multiplying loaves
and fishes; or of commanding; like the enchanters of old;
broomsticks to do the work of men。 They must have labourers;
skilled labourers; and without them it is nonsense to talk of
improving a country and a people by corn and cloth and hatchets
and saws。
The wide spread of education among the journeyman mechanics
of this country diminishes daily the value of the labour and
skill of almost all masters and employers by increasing the
number of persons who possess their peculiar knowledge。 At the
same time; masters and employers cannot hope that the labourers
who are not capitalists will remain long ignorant of the manner
in which masters who are both labourers and capitalist lend
themselves to the views of the capitalists who are not labourers。
They are daily acquiring this knowledge; and masters cannot
therefore rationally expect a termination to the present contest。
On the contrary; it must continue。 Even if it should be stopped;
it will again and again occur。 It is not possible that any large
body of men who are acquainted with their rights will tacitly
acquiesce in insult and injury。 The profits of the masters; as
capitalist; must be diminished; whether the labourers succeed in
obtaining higher wages; or the combination continues; or it is
from time to time renewed。 In the former case; the masters; as
skilled labourers; will share in the increased rewards of
industry; in either of the two latter; not only will their profit
be destroyed; but their wages will be diminished or altogether
annihilated。 Without workmen their own skill and labour are of no
use; but they may live in comfort and opulence without the
capitalist。 Masters and employers; therefore; would do well to
recollect that by supporting the claims of capital they diminish
their own wages; and they prolong a contest which; independent of
the ill temper and hatred it creates and perpetuates; is also
injurious to them as inventors; contrivers and skilled labourers;
and which must ultimately terminate to their disadvantage。
The improved education of the labouring classes ought; in
the present question; to have great weight also with statesmen;
and with the community at large。 The schools; which are
everywhere established; or are establishing; for their
instruction; make it impossible for the greatest visionary to
suppose that any class of men can much longer be kept in
ignorance of the principles on which societies are formed and
governed。 Mechanics' institutions will teach men the moral as
well as the physical sciences。 They excite a disposition to probe
all things to the bottom; and supply the means of carrying
research into every branch of knowledge。 He must be a very blind
statesman who does not see in this indications of a more
extensive change in the frame of society than has ever yet been
made。 This change will not be effected by violence; and cannot be
counteracted by force。 Holy Alliance can put down the quiet
insurrection by which knowledge will subvert whatever is not
founded in justice and truth。 The interest of the different
classes of labourers who are now first beginning to think and act
as a body; in opposition to the other classes among whom; with
themselves; the produce of the earth is distributed; and who are
now only for the first time beginning to acquire as extensive a
knowledge of the principles of government as those who rule; is
too deeply implicated by these principles to allow them to stop
short in their career of inquiry。 They may care nothing about the
curious researches of the geologist or the elaborate
classification of the botanist; but they will assuredly ascertain
why they only of all classes of society have always been involved
in poverty and distress。 They will not stop short of any ultimate
truth; and they have experienced too few of the advantages of
society to make them feel satisfied with the present order of
things。 The mind is rather invigorated than enfeebled by the
labour of the hands; and they will carry forward their
investigations undelayed by the pedantry of learning; and
undiverted by the fastidiousness of taste。 By casting aside the
prejudices which fetter the minds of those who have benefited by
their degradation; they have everything to hope。 On the other
hand; they are the suffers by these prejudices; and have
everything to dread from their continuance。 Having no reason to
love those institutions which limit the reward of labour;
whatever may be its produce; to a bare subsistence; they will not
spare them; whenever they see the hollowness of the claims made
on their respect。 As the labourers acquire knowledge; the
foundations of the social edifice will be dug up from the deep
beds into which they were laid in times past; they will be
curiously handled and closely examined; and they will not be
restored unless they were originally laid in justice; and unless
justice commands their preservation。
Without joining in any of the commonplace observations
against taking interest; and against usury; which; however;
support my view of capital; I have show that it has no just claim
to any share of the labourer's produce; and that what it actually
receives is the cause of the poverty of the labourer。 It is
impossible that the labourer should long remain ignorant of these
facts; or acquiesce in this state of things。
In truth; also; however the matter may be disguised; the
combinations among workmen to obtain higher wages; which are now
so general and so much complained of; are practical attacks on
the claims of capital。 The weight of its chains are felt; though
the hand may not yet be clearly seen which imposes them。
Gradually as the resistance increases; as laws are multiplied for
the protection of capital; as claims for higher wages shall be
more strenuously and more violently repressed; the cause of this
oppression will be more distinctly seen。 The contest now appears
to be between masters and journeymen; or between one species of
labour and another; but it will soon be displayed in its proper
characters; and will stand confessed a war of honest industry
against the idle profligacy which has so long ruled the affairs
of the polit