lecture iv-第5节

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amendments　introduced　into　this　legal　code　during　the　first　part
of　the　twelfth　century　have　also　no　other　source　but　the　express
desire　of　the　dukes　and　the　decisions　of　their　Doumas　or
Councils。
　　　　The　exercise　of　legislative　power　by　the　veches　of　Novgorod
and　of　Pscov；　at　least　during　the　fourteenth　and　fifteenth
centuries；　is　illustrated　by　two　judicial　charters；　those　of　1397
and　of　1471；　which；　as　is　evident　from　their　contents；　were　drawn
up　by　the　popular　assembly。　The　charter　of　Pscov　plainly　states
in　one　of　its　later　versions　（that　of　1467　whenever　the　posadnik；
the　supreme　judge　by　the　people；　has　to　decide　a　case　to　which　no
existing　law　applies；　he　must　consult　the　assembly　of　the　people。
The　same　veche　had　the　right　to　annul　every　article　of　the
judicial　charter　which　no　longer　met　with　its　approval。　Mention
of　this　right　is　made　in　the　charter　itself。
　　　　As　to　judicial　powers；　they　remained　unknown　to。　the　Western
and　Southern　the　veche；　at　least　in　principalities　of　Russia；
which　knew　no　other　judges　than　the　duke　and　the　officers　whom　he
appointed。　I　do　not　allude　to　those　arbitrators　to　whom　private
persons　frequently　had　recourse　to　settle　their　differences。
　　　　But　in　Novgorod；　the　fact　of　the　election　of　the　chief　judge；
the　posadnik；　by　a　popular　vote；　shows　that　the　people　were　not
indifferent　to　the　exercise　of　judicial　power。　Appointed　as　he
was　by　the　folkmote；　the　posadnik　could　be　judged　by　no　other
tribunal　than　the　folkmote　itself。　Cases　of　high　treason　were
also　referred　to　the　popular　assembly　just　as　they　were　in　Poland
and　Bohemia。
　　　　What　has　been　stated　establishes　beyond　a　doubt　the　great
extent　of　the　rights　and　privileges　belonging　to　the　folkmote　in
the　Northern　principalities　of　Russia。　The　same　cannot　be　said　of
some　Western　principalities；　such　as　those　of　Volhynia　and
Galicia。　The　example　of　Poland；　where　the　aristocracy　was　very
powerful；　induced　the　boyars　of　those　two　countries　to　make　more
than　one　attempt　to　concentrate　in　their　own　hands　the　chief
rights　of　sovereignty。　The　large　estates　which　they　possessed　and
the　considerable　revenues；　which　the　rich　black　soil　of　the
country　yearly　secured　to　them；　greatly　favoured　their
oligarchical　aspirations。　In　1210；　they　seem　to　have　attained
their　ends。　The　dynasty　of　Rurik　had　ceased　to　rule　over　the
country；　and　a　boyar；　a　member　of　the　local　aristocracy；　had　been
raised　to　the　throne。　But　his　rule　did　not　last　long。　His
contemporaries；　the　other　rulers；　looked　upon　his　elevation　as
illegal；　and　the　King　of　Poland　was　the　first　to　declare　that　a
boyar　had　no　right　to　occupy　a　throne。　To　oppose　the　oligarchy　of
the　boyars　Duke　Daniel；　in　1230；　convened　the　popular　assembly；
the　veche　and　with　the　help　afforded　him　by　people；　fought　the
army　of　the　boyars　and　reduced　them　to　obedience。　This　is；
however；　the　only　case　in　which　the　veche　seems　to　have　played
any　part　in　the　political　history　of　the　country。　The　power　of
the　nobles　prevented　any　further　development　in　that　direction；
and　when　the　principality　passed　into　the　hands　of　the　King　of
Poland；　it　was　already　under　the　yoke　of　the　aristocracy。
　　　　Nevertheless；　even　under　Polish　rule；　the　memory　of　the　old
folkmotes　was　preserved　by　the　country。　Documents　of　the
fifteenth　and　sixteenth　centuries　sometimes　mention　the　existence
of　the　veche　as　of　a　local　assembly　with　very　considerable
executive　and　judicial　rights。
　　　　Of　all　the　principalities　of　Russia　those　of　the　North…East
seem　from　the　most　remote　times　to　have　been　unfavourable　to　the
growth　of　popular　assemblies。　In　those　of　Sousdal　and　of　Riasan；
the　dukes　early　freed　themselves　from　the　necessity　of　election
by　the　people　by　establishing　primogeniture　as　the　law　of
succession　to　the　crown。　The　way　in　which　the　eldest　son　was
admitted　to　succeed　to　the　throne　was　by　associating　him；　during
his　father's　lifetime；　in　the　exercise　of　sovereign　powers。
Vsevolod　III　was　the　first　prince　who　benefited　by　such　a　course。
He　secured　the　throne　to　his　descendants　and　thus　annulled　one　of
the　most　important　rights　of　the　folkmote；　that　of　choosing　the
ruler　of　the　land。　It　is　not　to　be　wondered　at；　therefore；　that
from　the　middle　of　the　thirteenth　century　no　mention　is　made　of
the　popular　assemblies　of　Sousdal。
　　　　Up　to　this　point　we　have　tried　to　show　that　during　the　Middle
Ages　Russia　was　a　loose　federation　of　principalities；　in　which
the　people　were　wont　to　exercise；　on　a　larger　or　smaller　scale；
legislative；　executive；　judicial；　and　even　political　power。　By
political　power　I　mean　the　right　of　electing　and　dismissing　the
ruler；　of　declaring　war　and　making　peace。　The　people　exercised
their　right　side　by　side　with　the　prince；　the　〃knias；〃　who
gradually　increased　his　own　power　to　the　prejudice　of　the　power
of　the　folkmote　or　veche。　At　the　end　of　the　fifteenth　century
Novgorod　and　Pscov　alone　maintained　the　primitive　relations
between　the　prince　and　the　popular　assembly；　for　they　still　kept
the　power　of　electing　and　dismissing　the　chief　magistrate　of　the
state；　as　well　as　the　highest　officials；　the　posadnik；　and　the
〃head　of　thousands。〃　In　the　south…western　part　of　Russia　the
popular　assembly　became；　during　the　fifteenth　and　sixteenth
centuries；　a　local　administrative；　financial；　and　judicial　body；
but　it　lost　all　political　power。　In　the　northern　principalities；
and　especially　in　Vladimir　and　Moscow；　the　folkmotes　totally
ceased　to　exist。　The　growth　first　of　Vladimir　and　then　of　Moscow
was　followed　by　the　complete　annihilation　of　the　political　rights
of　the　people；　and　this　seems　to　have　been　recognised　by　the
writers　of　the　day。　Describing　the　proceedings　by　which　the
republic　of　Novgorod　was　subjected　by　the　Tzar；　Ivan　the　Third；
the　chronicle；　known　under　the　name　of　the　Patriarch　Nikon；　says：
〃In　the　year　1478　the　Tzar　declared　to　the　republic　〃that　he
wanted　Novgorod　to　be　in　the　exercise　of　the　same　power　as　that
which　he　possessed　at　Moscow。〃　The　inhabitants　agreed　to　comply
with　his　wishes　on　certain　terms；　whereby　his　autocracy　would　be
limited。　The　Tzar　immediately　sent　the　following　reply：　〃I　told
you　that　I　wanted　in　Novgorod　a　state　similar　to　that　of　Moscow；
and　instead　of　that　I　hear　you　teaching　me　how　I　ought　to
organise　my　state　in　a　way　different　from　what　it　is　at　present。〃
On　hearing　this；　the　citizens　sent　another　embassy　to　ask　what
the　Tzar　meant　by　saying　that　he　wanted　in　Novgorod　a　government
like　that　of　Moscow。　He　answered：　〃No　popular　assembly；　veche；　no
elected　magistrate；　and　the　whole　state　in　the　power　of　the
Tzar。〃（2*）　This　answer　left　no　doubt　as　to　his　autocratic
intentions　and　their　accomplishment　in　the　Moscovite　state。
　　　　Let　us　now　inquire　into　the　causes　which　produced　this
increase　of　monarchical　power。　The　first　seems　to　have　been　the
great　change　which　had　been　brought　about　in　the　relations
between　the　prince　and　the　popular　assembly　by　the　subjection　of
the　prince　to　the　power　of　the　Khans。　It　is　well　known　that　the
Tartars；　after　having　established　the　centre　of　their　European
empire　on　the　shores　of　the　Volga；　not　far　from　where　it　joins
the　Caspian　Sea；　in　the　neighbourhood　of　the　modern　city　of
Astrachan；　reduced　the　different　principalities　of　Russia　to　the
condition　of　vassal　states。　Leaving　the　government　in　the　hands
of　the　dynasty　of　Rurik　they　forced　the　Russian　princes　to
receive　investiture　at　the　hands　of　their　khans。　In　such　a　state
of　things　the　prince　had　no　longer　any　need　to　trouble　himself
about　his　acceptation　by　the　popular　assembly　of　the　principality
that　he　intended　to　govern　In　order　to　secure　the　throne　to
himself　and　his　heirs；　all　that　he　had　to　do　was　to　undertake　a
journey　to　the　southern　parts　of　the　Volga　and　make　his
appearance　at　the　court　of　his　suzerain　　the　Khan。　Here　he　had
to　lay　out　large　sums　of　money　in　presents　and　bribes；　until　at
last　the　Khan　was　induced　to　grant　a　charter；　〃jarlik；〃
acknowledging　the　right　of　the　claimant　to　occupy　the　throne　of
his　ancestors。　From　the　beginning　of　the　fourteenth　century　the
Moscovite　princes　had　no　longer。　to　undertake　the　journey　in
person；　as　the　khans　had　consented　to　forward　the　charter　of
confirmation　direct　to　Moscow　on　condition　that　they　first
received　large　sums　of　money　from　the　prince　who　claimed　the
throne。　The　succession　was　settled　at　each　vacancy　by　an
agreement　between　the　suzerain　and　the　vassal；　and　the　popular
assembly　had　no　opportunity　of　interfering。
　　　　Foreign　events；　especially　the　rise　of　the　Florentine　Union
and　the　capture　of　Constantinople　by　the　Turks；　also　largely
contributed　to　the　increase　of　the　Moscovite　autocracy。
　　　　During　the　period　which　began　with　the　acceptance　of　the
tenets　of　the　Greek　Church　by　the　Russian　duke；　Vladimir；　at　the
end　of　the　eleventh　century；　and　which　ended　with　the　decision　of
the　Byzantine　Emperor　to　subscribe　the　act　of　union　with　the
Roman　Church；　the　Russian　State　as　well　as　the　Russian　Church
remained　to　a　certain　extent　dependent　on　the　Greek　Patriarch　and
Emperor　at　Constantinople。　In　ecclesiastical　matters　this
dependence　was　manifested　in　the　direct　nomination　of　the　Russian
Metropolitan　by　th