lecture iv-第2节

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leaves　no　doubt　as　to　the　popular　character　of　these　early　Polish
political　assemblies。　In　no　Slavonic　state　was　this　popular
character　so　early　lost　as　in　Poland。　As　early　as　the　beginning
of　the　thirteenth　century　the　higher　nobility　and　clergy；　the
〃milites〃　and　the　knights；　begin　to　be　the　only　constitutive
parts　of　the　Polish　〃general　council。〃
　　　　The　other　feature　of　the　primitive　folkmote；　the　unanimous
vote；　was　much　better　preserved　by　the　Polish　parliament。　From
the　earliest　times　down　to　the　fall　of　their　political
independence；　the　Poles　remained　faithful　to　this　very
incongruous　system。　The　〃liberum　veto；〃　the　right　of　each　member
to　make　null　and　void　by　his　single　opposition　the　decisions　of
the　entire　assembly；　became　through　the　interference　of　foreign
States　one　of　the　best　means　of　keeping　in　check　the　political
activity　of　the　nation。　By　this　veto；　Russian；　Austrian；　and
Prussian　intrigues　more　than　once　prevented　the　passing　of　laws
and　measures；　which　might　have　preserved　the　independence　of　the
country。　That　the　liberum　veto　had　its　roots　in　the　most　remote
period　of　Polish　history　may　be　shown　by　quotations　like　the
following。　According　to　the　chronicle　of　Cromer；　the　Polish
throne　had　been　offered　to　the　half　mythical　Cracus；　〃una
sententia；〃　i。e。；　by　the　unanimous　decision　of　the　people；　who
had；　as　we　know；　no　other　means　of　manifesting　their　feeling　than
the　folkmote。　The　same　unanimous　consent　is　mentioned　by　another
chronicle　on　the　occasion　of　an　election　which　took　place　in
1194。
　　　　The　legal　power　of　the　Polish　general　council　was　identical
with　that　of　the　Bohemian　snem。　It　elected　the　chief　ruler　of　the
land　and　entered　into　written　covenants　with　him；　it　discussed
questions　of　international　policy；　expressed　its　opinion　on
matters　of　taxation；　gave　its　sanction　to　the　legal　enactments　of
the　king；　the　so…called　statuta　and　con　stitutiones；　and　from
time　to　time　it　exercised　judicial　authority　in　certain
exceptionally　important　civil　cases。　In　a　word；　it　possessed　the
same　multiplicity　of　powers　which　we　have　noticed　when　studying
the　powers　of　the　Bohemian　folkmote。
　　　　Hitherto　we　have　consulted　only　the　history　of　the　Northern
and　Western　Slavs。　Let　us　now　turn　to　that　of　the　Southern　Slavs。
The　democratic　element　is　less　prominent　in　the　constitution　of
the　ancient　Servian　and　Croatian　folkmotes。　At　a　very　early
period　the　high　nobility　and　clergy　took　possession　of　the
various　powers　of　the　popular　assembly。　But　this　does　not　mean
that　no　documentary　evidence　has　reached　us　concerning　the　part
which　the　lower　classes　of　society　at　least　in　Croatia；　were
anciently　called　upon　to　play　in　the　political　organisation　of
the　country。　The　old　Croatian　chronicle　explicitly　states　that　in
the　time　of　Svonomir；　the　first　elected　Croatian　chief；　the
〃Ban；〃　the　national　assembly　known　in　later　times　under　the　name
of　〃Sobor；〃　was　composed　not　only　of　the　higher　orders　（viteze；
barune；　vlasnike）；　but　also　of　the　common　people　（puk　zemlie）。
The　same　common　people　is　mentioned　by　the　Latin　chronicle　as
having　had　its　share　in　the　election　of　this　first　Ban；　who　was
chosen　〃concordi　totius　cleri　et　populi　electione。〃　This　happened
in　the　second　half　of　the　eleventh　century　（1076）。　During　the
following　centuries　the　nobility；　and　among　them　the　higher　class
of　nobles　represented　by　seven　Bans；　alone　had　a　direct　influence
on　the　nomination　of　the　Croatian　king。　But　the　memory　of　old；
days；　when　the　people　chose　their　rulers；　was　still　preserved
down　to　the　end　of　the　fifteenth　century；　as　may　be　seen　from　the
following　words　of　a　charter　issued　in　1490　by　King　Vladislas　the
second：　〃Domini；　prelati　et　barones；　caeterique　pri　mores　et
universi　incoloe　regni；　ad　quos　scilicet　jus　eligendi　novum　regem
ex　vetustissima　regni　ipsius　liberate　et　consuetudine　devolutum
exstiterat。。。　oculos　mentis　ipsorum　in　nos　conjecerunt。〃
　　　　The　texts　already　quoted　establish　the　fact　that　like　other
Slavonic　assemblies；　the　Sobors　of　Croatia　were　ignorant　of　the
rights　of　the　majority　and　insisted　on　the　necessity　of　a
unanimous　decision。　Expressions　like　〃concordi　electione；〃
〃omnibus　collaudantibus；〃　and　the　complete　absence　of　any
information　concerning　decisions　taken　by　a　majority　of　voters；
leave　no　doubt　on　this　point。　The　same　texts　mention　several　of
the　functions　which　the　Sobor　was　called　upon　to　exercise。　and
first　among　these　was　the　election　of　the　political　heads　of　the
nation；　who　might　be　simple　bans　or　kings。　Questions　of　peace　and
war　were　also　settled　by　this　assembly。
　　　　But　the　chief　occupation　of　the　Sobor　was　of　a　legislative
character。　From　time　to　time　the　Chronicles　state　that　〃many　good
laws　have　been　made〃　by　this　or　that　assembly；　and　Professor
Bogisic　has　succeeded　in　tracing　a　whole　list　of　the　different
statutes　resulting　from　their　deliberations。
　　　　The　existence　of　these　national　councils　did　not　prevent　the
people　of　different　localities　from　meeting　in　some　kind　of
provincial　assemblies；　and　from　exercising　in　them　even
legislative　functions。　An　instance　of　this　fact　is　presented　by
the　island　of　Vinodol；　the　inhabitants　of　which　in　1288　met　in　a
kind　of　local　folkmote　　at　which　certain　men　were　chosen　to
make　a　general　codification　of　old　laws；　the　memory　of　which　was
still　preserved。　In　this　way　was　formed　the　celebrated　statute　of
Vinodol；　one　of　the　chief　sources　of　information　as　to　the　early
law　of　the　Southern　Slavs。
　　　　　The　Servian　States…General；　although　much　less　democratic
than　the　Croatian；　merit　our　attention　on　account　of　the　great
influence　which　they　exercised　on　the　management　of　public
affairs。　It　is　true　that　the　Servian　Sobor　is　rather　a　council　of
the　higher　orders；　a　sort　of　Anglo…Saxon　Witenagemote；　than　a
folkmote　or　popular　assembly。　The　third　estate　was　not　admitted
to　its　meetings　either　as　a　body　or　by　representation；　and　one　of
the　paragraphs　of　the　celebrated　code　of　Stefan　Douschan
（fourteenth　century）　even　strictly　forbids　the　peasants　to　meet
in　political　assemblies。　But　the　lower　nobility；　who　afterwards
played　such　a　prominent　part　in　the　destinies　of　the　Polish
nation；　regularly　sat　in　those　meetings　side　by　side　with　the
king；　his　council；　the　superior　officers　of　State；　the　patriarch；
the　ecclesiastical　synod；　and　the　members　of　the　higher　nobility。
These　orders　taken　together　exercised　pretty　neatly　all　the
functions　of　sovereignty。　They　made　legal　enactments；　such　as　the
code　just　mentioned；　and　they　were　the　authors　of　the　different
amendments　introduced　into　it　in　the　course　of　time。　They　very
often　elected　the　king；　and　sometimes　dethroned　him。　The
archbishop　and　the　provincial　governors　were　also　chosen　by　the
Sobor；　which　likewise　disposed　of　the　public　lands；　and　discussed
the　most　important　matters　of　civil　and　ecclesiastical
government。
　　　　This　rapid　and　rather　superficial　sketch　of　the　early
political　institutions　of　the　Slavs；　may　at　least　serve　to　show
how　considerable　was　the　influence　which　the　higher　orders　of
society；　and　very　often　the　common　people；　exercised　in　the
management　of　the　Slavonic　State。　My　necessarily　dry　exposition
of　ancient　chronicles　and　charters；　cannot　fail　to　recall　the
well…known　passage　in　the　〃Germania〃　of　Tacitus：　〃De　minoribus
principes　consultant；　de　majoribus　omnes。〃　Like　the　old　Germanic
folkmote　the　Slavonic　was　a　sort　of　supreme　council；　convened　on
certain　exceptionally　important　occasions。　During　an　interregnum
all　authority　passed　into　its　hands；　and　it　was　accordingly
empowered　to　choose　the　future　ruler　of　the　land；　and　to　declare
under　what　conditions　he　was　to　be　admitted　to　the　exercise　of
the　sovereign　power。　In　the　ordinary　course　of　public　affairs；
the　folkmote　discussed　important　matters　of　civil；　and　in　some
countries　even　of　ecclesiastical　government。　It　pronounced　on
questions　of　war　and　peace；　controlled　the　exercise　of　the
legislative　authority；　and　was　sometimes　even　directly　engaged　in
the　making　of　new；　and　the　codifying　of　ancient　laws。　Although
its　authority　was　less　prominent　in　executive　and　judicial
matters；　yet　it　very　often　exercised　the　supreme　right　of
dethroning　a　king；　and　of　judging　persons　accused　of　high
treason。
　　　　When　we　call　to　mind　these　facts；　the　idea　of　an　early
Russian　autocracy；　admitting　of　no　control　on　the　part　of　the
governed；　will　certainly　appear　to　us　to　be　in　direct
contradiction　not　only　of　the　general　evolution　of　political
institutions；　but　also　of　its　usual　form　among　Slavonic　nations。
We　must　refuse　to　accept　an　anomaly　unless　it　is　established　on
the　authority　of　well…authenticated　historical　facts。　But　no　such
facts　can　be　produced。　The　Russian　chronicles；　in　which；　from　the
want　of　other　sources　of　information；　we　are　obliged　to　seek　for
the　chief　elements　of　a　general　theory　of　ancient　Russian
political　institutions；　show　us　a　state　of　things；　which　has
nothing　in　common　with　absolute　monarchy。　On　the　first　pages　of
the　chronicle　attributed　to　the　monk　Nestor；　the　Eastern　Slavs
are　spoken　of　as　possessing　a　sort　of　〃gens〃　organisation；　〃each
one　living　with　his　kindred；　and　these　kindreds　occupying