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re　made。　The　tariff　commission　had　recommended；　for　example；　a　duty　of　fifty　cents　a　ton　on　iron　ore；　and　both　the　Senate　and　the　House　voted　to　put　the　duty　at　that　figure；　but　the　conference　committee　fixed　the　rate　at　seventy…five　cents。　When　a　conference　committee　report　comes　before　the　House；　it　is　adopted　or　rejected　in　toto；　as　it　is　not　divisible　or　amendable。　In　theory；　the　revision　of　a　report　is　feasible　by　sending　it　back　to　conference　under　instructions　voted　by　the　House；　but　such　a　procedure　is　not　really　available　in　the　closing　hours　of　a　session；　and　the　only　practical　course　of　action　is　either　to　pass　the　bill　as　shaped　by　the　conferees　or　else　to　accept　the　responsibility　for　inaction。　Thus　pressed　for　time；　Congress　passed　a　bill　containing　features　obnoxious　to　a　majority　in　both　Houses　and　offensive　to　public　opinion。　Senator　Sherman　in　his　〃Recollections〃　expressed　regret　that　he　had　voted　for　the　bill　and　declared　that；　had　the　recommendations　of　the　tariff　commission　been　adopted；　〃the　tariff　would　have　been　settled　for　many　years；〃　but　〃many　persons　wishing　to　advance　their　particular　industries　appeared　before　the　committee　and　succeeded　in　having　their　views　adopted。〃　In　his　annual　message；　December　4；　1883；　President　Arthur　accepted　the　act　as　a　response　to　the　demand　for　a　reduction　of　taxation；　which　was　sufficiently　tolerable　to　make　further　effort　inexpedient　until　its　effects　could　be　definitely　ascertained；　but　he　remarked　that　he　had　〃no　doubt　that　still　further　reductions　may　be　wisely　made。〃

In　general；　President　Arthur's　administration　may　therefore　be　accurately　described　as　a　period　of　political　groping　and　party　fluctuation。　In　neither　of　the　great　national　parties　was　there　a　sincere　and　definite　attitude　on　the　new　issues　which　were　clamorous　for　attention；　and　the　public　discontent　was　reflected　in　abrupt　changes　of　political　support。　There　was　a　general　feeling　of　distrust　regarding　the　character　and　capacity　of　the　politicians　at　Washington；　and　election　results　were　apparently　dictated　more　by　fear　than　by　hope。　One　party　would　be　raised　up　and　the　other　party　cast　down；　not　because　the　one　was　trusted　more　than　the　other；　but　because　it　was　for　a　while　less　odious。　Thus　a　party　success　might　well　be　a　prelude　to　a　party　disaster　because　neither　party　knew　how　to　improve　its　political　opportunity。　The　record　of　party　fluctuation　in　Congress　during　this　period　is　almost　unparalleled　in　sharpness。*

*　In　1875；　at　the　opening　of　the　Forty…fourth　Congress；　the　House　stood　110　Republicans　and　182　Democrats。　In　1881；　the　House　stood　150　Republicans　to　131　Democrats；　with　12　Independent　members。　In　1884；　the　Republican　list　had　declined　to　119　and　the　Democratic　had　grown　to　201；　and　there　were　five　Independents。　The　Senate；　although　only　a　third　of　its　membership　is　renewed　every　two　years；　displayed　extraordinary　changes　during　this　period。　The　Republican　membership　of　46　in　1876　had　declined　to　33　by　1880；　and　the　Democratic　membership　had　increased　to　42。　In　1882；　the　Senate　was　evenly　balanced　in　party　strength；　each　party　having　37　avowed　adherents；　but　there　were　two　Independents。


In　state　politics；　the　polling　showed　that　both　parties　were　disgusted　with　their　leadership　and　that　there　was　a　public　indifference　to　issues　which　kept　people　away　from　the　polls。　A　comparison　of　the　total　vote　cast　in　state　elections　in　1882　with　that　cast　in　the　presidential　election　of　1880；　showed　a　decline　of　over　eight　hundred　thousand　in　the　Republican　vote　and　of　nearly　four　hundred　thousand　in　the　Democratic　vote。　The　most　violent　of　the　party　changes　that　took　place　during　this　period　occurred　in　the　election　of　1882；　in　New　York　State；　when　the　Republican　vote　showed　a　decline　of　over　two　hundred　thousand　and　the　Democratic　candidate　for　Governor　was　elected　by　a　plurality　of　nearly　that　amount。　It　was　this　election　which　brought　Grover　Cleveland　into　national　prominence。



CHAPTER　III。　THE　ADVENT　OF　CLEVELAND

Popular　dissatisfaction　with　the　behavior　of　public　authority　had　not　up　to　this　time　extended　to　the　formal　Constitution。　Schemes　of　radical　rearrangement　of　the　political　institutions　of　the　country　had　not　yet　been　agitated。　New　party　movements　were　devoted　to　particular　measures　such　as　fresh　greenback　issues　or　the　prohibition　of　liquor　traffic。　Popular　reverence　for　the　Constitution　was　deep　and　strong；　and　it　was　the　habit　of　the　American　people　to　impute　practical　defects　not　to　the　governmental　system　itself　but　to　the　character　of　those　acting　in　it。　Burke；　as　long　ago　as　1770；　remarked　truly　that　〃where　there　is　a　regular　scheme　of　operations　carried　on；　it　is　the　system　and　not　any　individual　person　who　acts　in　it　that　is　truly　dangerous。〃　But　it　is　an　inveterate　habit　of　public　opinion　to　mistake　results　for　causes　and　to　vent　its　resentment　upon　persons　when　misgovernment　occurs。　That　disposition　was　bitterly　intense　at　this　period。　〃Turn　the　rascals　out〃　was　the　ordinary　campaign　slogan　of　an　opposition　party；　and　calumny　formed　the　staple　of　its　argument。　Of　course　no　party　could　establish　exclusive　proprietorship　to　such　tactics；　and　whichever　party　might　be　in　power　in　a　particular　locality　was　cast　for　the　villain's　part　in　the　political　drama。　But　as　changes　of　party　control　took　place；　experience　taught　that　the　only　practical　result　was　to　introduce　new　players　into　the　same　old　game。　Such　experience　spread　among　the　people　a　despairing　feeling　that　American　politics　were　hopelessly　depraved；　and　at　the　same　time　it　gave　them　a　deep　yearning　for　some　strong　deliverer。　To　this　messianic　hope　of　politics　may　be　ascribed　what　is　in　some　respects　the　most　remarkable　career　in　the　political　history　of　the　United　States。　The　rapid　and　fortuitous　rise　of　Grover　Cleveland　to　political　eminence　is　without　a　parallel　in　the　records　of　American　statesmanship；　notwithstanding　many　instances　of　public　distinction　attained　from　humble　beginnings。

The　antecedents　of　Cleveland　were　Americans　of　the　best　type。　He　was　descended　from　a　colonial　stock　which　had　settled　in　the　Connecticut　Valley。　His　earliest　ancestor　of　whom　there　is　any　exact　knowledge　was　Aaron　Cleveland；　an　Episcopal　clergyman；　who　died　at　East　Haddam；　Connecticut；　in　1757；　after　founding　a　family　which　in　every　generation　furnished　recruits　to　the　ministry。　It　argues　a　hereditary　disposition　for　independent　judgment　that　among　these　there　was　a　marked　variation　in　denominational　choice。　Aaron　Cleveland　was　so　strong　in　his　attachment　to　the　Anglican　church　that　to　be　ordained　he　went　to　Englandunder　the　conditions　of　travel　in　those　days　a　hard；　serious　undertaking。　His　son；　also　named　Aaron；　became　a　Congregational　minister。　Two　of　the　sons　of　the　younger　Aaron　became　ministers；　one　of　them　an　Episcopalian　like　his　grandfather。　Another　son；　William；　who　became　a　prosperous　silversmith；　was　for　many　years　a　deacon　in　the　church　in　which　his　father　preached。　William　sent　his　second　son；　Richard；　to　Yale；　where　he　graduated　with　honors　at　the　age　of　nineteen。　He　turned　to　the　Presbyterian　church；　studied　theology　at　Princeton；　and　upon　receiving　ordination　began　a　ministerial　career　which　like　that　of　many　preachers　was　carried　on　in　many　pastorates。　He　was　settled　at　Caldwell；　New　Jersey；　in　his　third　pastorate；　and　there　Stephen　Grover　Cleveland　was　born；　on　March　18；　1837；　the　fifth　in　a　family　of　children　that　eventually　increased　to　nine。　He　was　named　after　the　Presbyterian　minister　who　was　his　father's　predecessor。　The　first　name　soon　dropped　out　of　use；　and　from　childhood　he　went　by　his　middle　name；　a　practice　of　which　the　Clevelands　supply　so　many　instances　that　it　seems　to　be　quite　a　family　trait。

In　campaign　literature；　so　much　has　been　made　of　the　humble　circumstances　in　which　Grover　made　his　start　in　life　that　the　unwary　reader　might　easily　imagine　that　the　future　President　was　almost　a　waif。　Nothing　could　be　farther　from　the　truth。　He　really　belonged　to　the　most　authentic　aristocracy　that　any　state　of　society　can　producethat　which　maintains　its　standards　and　principles　from　generation　to　generation　by　the　integrity　of　the　stock　without　any　endowment　of　wealth。　The　Clevelands　were　people　who　reared　large　families　and　sustained　themselves　with　dignity　and　credit　on　narrow　means。　It　was　a　settled　tradition　with　such　republican　aristocrats　that　a　son　destined　for　a　learned　professionusually　the　ministryshould　be　sent　to　college；　and　for　that　purpose　heroic　economies　were　practiced　in　the　family。　The　opportunities　which　wealth　can　confer　are　really　trivial　in　comparison　with　the　advantage　of　being　born　and　reared　in　such　bracing　conditions　as　those　which　surrounded　Grover　Cleveland。　As　a　boy　he　was　a　clerk　in　a　country　store；　but　his　education　was　not　neglected　and　at　the　age　of　fifteen　he　was　studying；　with　a　view　to　entering　college。　His　father's　death　ended　that　prospect　and　forced　him　to　go　to　work　again　to　help　support　the　family。　Some　two　years　later；　when　the　family　circumstances　were　sufficiently　eased　so　that　he　could　strike　out　for　himself；　he　set　off　westward；　intending　to　reach　Cleveland。　Arriving　at　Buffalo；　he　called　upon　a　married　aunt；　who；　on　learning　that　he　was　planning　t