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CHAPTER　VII。　THE　PUBLIC　DISCONTENTS

While　President　and　Congress　were　passing　the　time　in　mutual　obstruction；　the　public　discontents　were　becoming　hot　and　bitter　to　a　degree　unknown　before。　A　marked　feature　of　the　situation　was　the　disturbance　of　public　convenience　involving　loss；　trouble；　and　distress　which　were　vast　in　extent　but　not　easily　expressed　in　statistical　form。　The　first　three　months　of　1886　saw　an　outbreak　of　labor　troubles　far　beyond　any　previous　record　in　their　variety　and　extent。　In　1885；　the　number　of　strikes　reported　was　645　affecting　2284　establishments；　a　marked　increase　over　preceding　years。　In　1886；　the　number　of　strikes　rose　to　1411；　affecting　9861　establishments　and　directly　involving　499；489　persons。　The　most　numerous　strikes　were　in　the　building　trades；　but　there　were　severe　struggles　in　many　other　industries。　There　was；　for　example；　an　interruption　of　business　on　the　New　York　elevated　railway　and　on　the　street　railways　of　New　York；　Brooklyn；　and　other　cities。

But　the　greatest　public　anxiety　was　caused　by　the　behavior　of　the　Knights　of　Labor；　an　organization　then　growing　so　rapidly　that　it　gave　promise　of　uniting　under　one　control　the　active　and　energetic　elements　of　the　working　classes　of　the　country。　It　started　in　a　humble　way；　in　December；　1869；　among　certain　garment　cutters　in　Philadelphia；　and　for　some　years　spread　slowly　from　that　center。　The　organization　remained　strictly　secret　until　1878；　in　which　year　it　held　a　national　convention　of　its　fifteen　district　assemblies　at　Reading；　Pennsylvania。　The　object　and　principles　of　the　order　were　now　made　public　and；　thereafter；　it　spread　with　startling　rapidity；　so　that　in　1886　it　pitted　its　strength　against　public　authority　with　a　membership　estimated　at　from；　500；000　to　800；000。　Had　this　body　been　an　army　obedient　to　its　leaders；　it　would　have　wielded　great　power；　but　it　turned　out　to　be　only　a　mob。　Its　members　took　part　in　demonstrations　which　were　as　much　mutinies　against　the　authority　of　their　own　executive　board　as　they　were　strikes　against　their　employers。　The　result　of　lack　of　organization　soon　began　to　be　evident。　In　March　1886；　the　receiver　of　the　Texas　Pacific　Railroad　discharged　an　employee　prominent　in　the　Knights　of　Labor　and　thus　precipitated　a　strike　which　was　promptly　extended　to　the　Missouri　Pacific。　There　were　riots　at　various　points　in　Missouri　and　Kansas；　and　railroad　traffic　at　St。　Louis　was　completely　suspended　for　some　days；　but　the　strike　was　eventually　broken。　The　Knights　of　Labor；　however；　had　received　a　blow　from　which　it　never　recovered；　and　as　a　result　its　membership　declined。　The　order　has　since　been　almost　wholly　superseded　by　the　American　Federation　of　Labor；　established　in　1886　through　shrewd　management　by　an　association　of　labor　unions　which　had　been　maintained　since　1881。　The　Knights　had　been　organized　by　localities　with　the　aim　of　merging　all　classes　of　working　men　into　one　body。　The　Federation；　on　the　other　hand；　is　composed　of　trades　unions　retaining　their　autonomya　principle　of　organization　which　has　proved　to　be　more　solid　and　durable。

To　these　signs　of　popular　discontent　the　Government　could　not　be　blind。　A　congressional　committee　investigated　the　railroad　strikes；　and　both　parties　in　Congress　busied　themselves　with　labor　legislation。　But　in　spite　of　this　apparent　willingness　to　cope　with　the　situation；　there　now　followed　another　display　of　those　cross　purposes　which　occurred　so　often　during　the　Cleveland　administration。　The　House　had　already　passed　a　bill　providing　means　of　submitting　to　arbitration　controversies　between　railroads　engaged　in　interstate　commerce　and　their　employees。　President　Cleveland　now　sent　a　special　message　recommending　that　〃instead　of　arbitrators　chosen　in　the　heat　of　conflicting　claims　and　after　each　dispute　shall　arise；　there　be　created　a　Commission　of　Labor；　consisting　of　three　members；　who　shall　be　regular　officers　of　the　government；　charged　among　other　duties　with　the　consideration　and　settlement　when　possible；　of　all　controversies　between　labor　and　capital。〃　In　spite　of　the　urgency　of　the　situation；　the　Senate　seized　this　occasion　for　a　new　display　of　party　tactics；　and　it　Allowed　the　bill　already　passed　by　the　House　to　lie　without　action　while　it　proceeded　to　consider　various　labor　measures　of　its　own。　For　example；　by　June　1；　1886；　the　Senate　had　passed　a　bill　providing　that　eight　hours　should　be　a　day's　work　for　letter…carriers；　soon　afterwards；　it　passed　a　bill　legalizing　the　incorporation　of　national　trades　unions；　to　which　the　House　promptly　assented　without　a　division；　and　the　House　then　continued　its　labor　record　by　passing　on　the　15th　of　July　a　bill　against　the　importation　of　contract　labor。　This　last　bill　was　not　passed　by　the　Senate　until　after　the　fall　elections。　It　was　approved　by　the　President　on　February　23；　1887。

The　Senate　also　delayed　action　on　the　House　bill；　which　proposed　arbitration　in　labor　disputes；　until　the　close　of　the　session；　and　then　the　President；　in　view　of　his　disregarded　suggestion；　withheld　his　assent。　It　was　not　until　the　following　year　that　the　legislation　recommended　by　the　President　was　enacted。　By　the　Act　of　June　13；　1888；　the　Department　of　Labor　was　established；　and　by　the　Act　of　October　1；　1888；　in　addition　to　provision　for　voluntary　arbitration　between　railroad　corporations　and　their　employees；　the　President　was　authorized　to　appoint　a　commission　to　investigate　labor　conflicts；　with　power　to　act　as　a　board　of　conciliation。　During　the　ten　years　in　which　the　act　remained　on　the　statute　books；　it　was　actually　put　to　use　only　in　1894；　when　a　commission　was　appointed　to　investigate　the　Pullman　strike　at　Chicago；　but　this　body　took　no　action　towards　settling　the　dispute。

Thus　far；　then；　the　efforts　of　the　Government　to　deal　with　the　labor　problem　had　not　been　entirely　successful。　It　is　true　that　the　labor　conflicts　arose　over　differences　which　only　indirectly　involved　constitutional　questions。　The　aims　of　both　the　Knights　of　Labor　and　of　the　American　Federation　were　primarily　economic　and　both　organizations　were　opposed　to　agitation　of　a　distinctively　political　character。　But　parallel　with　the　labor　agitation；　and　in　communication　with　it；　there　were　radical　reform　movements　of　a　type　unknown　before。　There　was　now　to　arise　a　socialistic　movement　opposed　to　traditional　constitutionalism；　and　therefore　viewed　with　alarm　in　many　parts　of　the　country。　Veneration　of　the　Constitution　of　1787　was　practically　a　national　sentiment　which　had　lasted　from　the　time　the　Union　was　successfully　established　until　the　Cleveland　era。　However　violent　political　differences　in　regard　to　public　policy　might　be；　it　was　the　invariable　rule　that　proposals　must　claim　a　constitutional　sanction。　In　the　Civil　War；　both　sides　felt　themselves　to　be　fighting　in　defense　of　the　traditional　Constitution。

The　appeal　to　antiquityeven　such　a　moderate　degree　of　antiquity　as　may　be　claimed　for　American　institutionshas　always　been　the　staple　argument　in　American　political　controversy。　The　views　and　intentions　of　the　Fathers　of　the　Constitution　are　exhibited　not　so　much　for　instruction　as　for　imitation；　and　by　means　of　glosses　and　interpretations　conclusions　may　be　reached　which　would　have　surprised　the　Fathers　to　whom　they　are　imputed。　Those　who　examine　the　records　of　the　formative　period　of　American　institutions；　not　to　obtain　material　for　a　case　but　simply　to　ascertain　the　facts；　will　readily　observe　that　what　is　known　as　the　principle　of　strict　construction　dates　only　from　the　organization　of　national　parties　under　the　Constitution。　It　was　an　invention　of　the　opposition　to　Federalist　rule　and　was　not　held　by　the　makers　of　the　Constitution　themselves。　The　main　concern　of　the　framers　was　to　get　power　for　the　National　Government；　and　they　went　as　far　as　they　could　with　such　success　that　striking　instances　may　be　culled　from　the　writings　of　the　Fathers　showing　that　the　scope　they　contemplated　has　yet　to　be　attained。　Strict　construction　affords　a　short　and　easy　way　of　avoiding　troublesome　issuesalways　involved　in　unforeseen　national　developmentsby　substituting　the　question　of　constitutional　power　for　a　question　of　public　propriety。　But　this　method　has　the　disadvantage；　that　it　belittles　the　Constitution　by　making　it　an　obstacle　to　progress。　Running　through　much　political　controversy　in　the　United　States　is　the　argument　that；　even　granting　that　a　proposal　has　all　the　merit　claimed　for　it；　nevertheless　it　cannot　be　adopted　because　the　Constitution　is　against　it。　By　strict　logical　inference　the　rejoinder　then　comes　that；　if　so；　the　Constitution　is　no　longer　an　instrument　of　national　advantage。　The　traditional　attachment　of　the　American　people　to　the　Constitution　has　indeed　been　so　strong　that　they　have　been　loath　to　accept　the　inference　that　the　Constitution　is　out　of　date；　although　the　quality　of　legislation　at　Washington　kept　persistently　suggesting　that　view　of　the　case。

The　failures　and　disappointments　resulting　from　the　series　of　national　elections　from　1874　to　1884；　at　last；　made　an　opening　for　party　movements　voicing　the　popular　discontent　and　openly　antagonistic　to　the　traditional　Constitution。　The　Socialist　Labor　party　held　its　first　national　convention　in　1877。　Its　mem