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　Soon　after　the　personal　appeal；　which　was　made　by　the　President　to　every　Senator　he　could　reach；　action　was　finally　taken　and　the　appointment　was　confirmed　January　16；　1888。

Senator　Cullom's　reminiscences　also　throw　light　upon　the　process　by　which　judges　are　appointed。　President　Cleveland　had　selected　Melville　W。　Fuller　of　Illinois　for　the　office　of　chief　justice　of　the　Supreme　Court。　According　to　Senator　Cullom；　Senator　Edmunds　〃was　very　much　out　of　humor　with　the　President　because　he　had　fully　expected　that　Judge　Phelps；　of　his　own　State；　was　to　receive　the　honor。。。。　The　result　was　that　Senator　Edmunds　held　the　nomination；　without　any　action；　in　the　Judiciary　Committee　for　some　three　months。〃　Senator　Cullom；　although　a　party　associate　of　Edmunds；　was　pleased　that　the　President　had　selected　an　Illinois　jurist　and　he　was　determined　that；　if　he　could　help　it；　Edmunds　should　not　have　the　New　Hampshire　candidate　appointed。　He　therefore　appealed　to　the　committee　to　do　something　about　the　nomination；　either　one　way　or　the　other。　The　committee　finally　reported　the　nomination　to　the　Senate　without　recommendation。　When　the　matter　came　up　in　executive　session；　〃Senator　Edmunds　at　once　took　the　floor　and　attacked　Judge　Fuller　most　viciously　as　having　sympathized　with　the　rebellion。〃　But　Cullom　was　primed　to　meet　that　argument。　He　had　been　furnished　with　a　copy　of　a　speech　attacking　President　Lincoln　which　Phelps　had　delivered　during　the　war；　and　he　now　read　it　to　the　Senate；　〃much　to　the　chagrin　and　mortification　of　Senator　Edmunds。〃　Cullom　relates　that　the　Democrats　in　the　Senate　enjoyed　the　scene。　〃Naturally；　it　appeared　to　them　a　very　funny　performance；　two　Republicans　quarreling　over　the　confirmation　of　a　Democrat。　They　sat　silent；　however；　and　took　no　part　at　all　in　the　debate；　leaving　us　Republicans　to　settle　it　among　ourselves。〃　The　result　of　the　Republican　split　was　that　the　nomination　of　Fuller　was　confirmed　〃by　a　substantial　majority。〃

Another　nomination　which　caused　much　agitation　at　the　time　was　that　of　James　C。　Matthews　of　New　York；　to　be　Recorder　of　Deeds　in　the　District　of　Columbia。　The　office　had　been　previously　held　by　Frederick　Douglass；　a　distinguished　leader　of　the　colored　race；　and　in　filling　the　vacancy　the　President　believed　it　would　be　an　exercise　of　wise　and　kindly　consideration　to　choose　a　member　of　the　same　race。　But　in　the　Washington　community；　there　was　such　a　strong　antipathy　to　the　importation　of　a　negro　politician　from　New　York　to　fill　a　local　office　that　a　great　clamor　was　raised；　in　which　Democrats　joined。　The　Senate　rejected　the　nomination；　but　meanwhile　Mr。　Matthews　had　entered　upon　the　duties　of　his　office　and　he　showed　such　tact　and　ability　as　gradually　to　soften　the　opposition。　On　December　21；1886；　President　Cleveland　renominated　him；　pointing　out　that　he　had　been　in　actual　occupation　of　the　office　for　four　months；　managing　its　affairs　with　such　ability　as　to　remove　〃much　of　the　opposition　to　his　appointment　which　has　heretofore　existed。〃　In　conclusion；　the　President　confessed　〃a　desire　to　cooperate　in　tendering　to　our　colored　fellow…citizens　just　recognition。〃　This　was　a　shrewd　argument。　The　Republican　majority　in　the　Senate　shrank　from　what　might　seem　to　be　drawing　the　color　line；　and　the　appointment　was　eventually　confirmed；　but　this　did　not　remove　the　sense　of　grievance　in　Washington　over　the　use　of　local　offices　for　national　party　purposes。　Local　sentiment　in　the　District　of　Columbia　is；　however；　politically　unimportant；　as　the　community　has　no　means　of　positive　action。*

*　It　is　a　singular　fact；　which　contains　matter　for　deep　consideration；　that　the　District　of　Columbia；　the　national　capital；　is　the　only　populated　area　in　the　civilized　world　without　any　sort　of　suffrage　rights。


In　the　same　month　in　which　President　Cleveland　issued　his　memorable　special　message　to　the　Senate　on　the　Tenure　of　Office　Act；　he　began　another　struggle　against　congressional　practice　in　which　he　was　not　so　fortunate。　On　March　10；　1886；　he　sent　to　Congress　the　first　of　his　pension　vetoes。　Although　liberal　provision　for　granting　pensions　had　been　made　by　general　laws；　numerous　special　applications　were　made　directly　to　Congress；　and　congressmen　were　solicited　to　secure　favorable　consideration　for　them。　That　it　was　the　duty　of　a　representative　to　support　an　application　from　a　resident　of　his　district；　was　a　doctrine　enforced　by　claim　agents　with　a　pertinacity　from　which　there　was　no　escape。　To　attempt　to　assume　a　judicial　attitude　in　the　matter　was　politically　dangerous；　and　to　yield　assent　was　a　matter　of　practical　convenience。　Senator　Cullom　relates　that　when　he　first　became　a　member　of　the　committee　on　pensions　he　was　〃a　little　uneasy〃　lest　he　〃might　be　too　liberal。〃　But　he　was　guided　by　the　advice　of　an　old；　experienced　Congressman；　Senator　Sawyer　of　Wisconsin；　who　told　him：　〃You　need　not　worry；　you　cannot　very　well　make　a　mistake　allowing　liberal　pensions　to　the　soldier　boys。　The　money　will　get　back　into　the　Treasury　very　soon。〃

The　feeling　that　anything　that　the　old　soldiers　wanted　should　be　granted　was　even　stronger　in　the　House；　where　about　the　only　opportunity　of　distinction　allowed　by　the　procedure　was　to　champion　these　local　demands　upon　the　public　treasury。　It　was　indeed　this　privilege　of　passing　pension　bills　which　partially　reconciled　members　of　the　House　to　the　actual　control　of　legislative　opportunity　by　the　Speaker　and　the　chairmen　of　a　few　dominating　committees。　It　was　a　congressional　perquisite　to　be　allowed　to　move　the　passage　of　so　many　bills；　enactment　followed　as　a　matter；　of　course。　President　Cleveland　made　a　pointed　reference　to　this　process　in　a　veto　message　of　June　21；　1886。　He　observed　that　the　pension　bills　had　only　〃an　apparent　Congressional　sanction〃　for　the　fact　was　that　〃a　large　proportion　of　these　bills　have　never　been　submitted　to　a　majority　of　either　branch　of　Congress；　but　are　the　results　of　nominal　sessions　held　for　the　express　purpose　of　their　consideration　and　attended　by　a　small　minority　of　the　members　of　the　respective　houses　of　the　legislative　branch　of　government。〃

Obviously；　the　whole　system　of　pension　legislation　was　faulty。　Mere　individual　effort　on　the　part　of　the　President　to　screen　the　output　of　the　system　was　scarcely　practicable；　even　if　it　were　congruous　with　the　nature　of　the　President's　own　duties；　but　nevertheless　Cleveland　attempted　it；　and　kept　at　it　with　stout　perseverance。　One　of　his　veto　messages　remarks　that　in　a　single　day　nearly　240　special　pension　bills　were　presented　to　him。　He　referred　them　to　the　Pension　Bureau　for　examination　and　the　labor　involved　was　so　great　that　they　could　not　be　returned　to　him　until　within　a　few　hours　of　the　limit　fixed　by　the　Constitution　for　the　President's　assent。

There　could　be　no　more　signal　proof　of　President　Cleveland's　constancy　of　soul　than　the　fact　that　he　was　working　hard　at　his　veto　forge；　with　the　sparks　falling　thickly　around；　right　in　his　honeymoon。　He　married　Miss　Frances　Folsom　of　Buffalo　on　June　2；　1886。　The　ceremony　took　place　in　the　White　House；　and　immediately　thereafter；　the　President　and　his　charming　bride　went　to　Deer　Park；　Maryland；　a　mountain　resort。　The　respite　from　official　cares　was　brief；　on　June　8th；　the　couple　returned　to　Washington　and　some　of　the　most　pugnacious　of　the　pension　vetoes　were　sent　to　Congress　soon　after。　The　rest　of　his　public　life　was　passed　under　continual　storm；　but　the　peace　and　happiness　of　his　domestic　life　provided　a　secure　refuge。

On　the　other　hand；　the　rebuffs　which　Democratic　Congressmen　received　in　the　matter　of　pension　legislation　were；　it　must　be　admitted；　peculiarly　exasperating。　Reviewing　the　work　of　the　Forty…ninth　Congress；　〃The　Nation〃　mentioned　three　enactments　which　it　characterized　as　great　achievements　that　should　be　placed　to　the　credit　of　Congress。　Those　were　the　act　regulating　the　presidential　succession；　approved　January　18；　1886；　the　act　regulating　the　counting　of　the　electoral　votes；　approved　February　3；　1887；　and　the　repeal　of　the　Tenure　of　Office　Act；　approved　March　3；　1887。　But　all　three　measures　originated　in　the　Senate；　and　the　main　credit　for　their　enactment　might　be　claimed　by　the　Republican　party。　There　was　some　ground　for　the　statement　that　they　would　have　been　enacted　sooner　but　for　the　disturbance　of　legislative　routine　by　political　upheavals　in　the　House；　and　certainly　no　one　could　pretend　that　it　was　to　get　these　particular　measures　passed　that　the　Democratic　party　was　raised　to　power。　The　main　cause　of　the　political　revolution　of　1884　had　been　the　continuance　of　war　taxes；　producing　revenues　that　were　not　only　not　needed　but　were　positively　embarrassing　to　the　Government。　Popular　feeling　over　the　matter　was　so　strong　that　even　the　Republican　party　had　felt　bound　to　put　into　its　national　platform；　in　1884；　a　pledge　〃to　correct　the　irregularities　of　the　tariff　and　to　reduce　the　surplus。〃　The　people；　however；　believed　that　the　Republican　party　had　already　been　given　sufficient　opportunity；　and　they　now　turned　to　the　Democratic　party　for　relief。　The　rank　and　file　of　this　party　felt　acutely；　therefore；　that　they　were　not　accomplishing　what　the　people　expected。　Members　arrived　in　Washington　full　of　good　intentions。　They　found　themselve