the cleveland era-第12节

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　House　had　voted　for　repeal。　The　repeal　bill　passed　the　House　by　a　vote　of　172　to　67；　and　became　law　on　March　3；　1887


President　Cleveland　had　achieved　a　brilliant　victory。　In　the　joust　between　him　and　Edmunds；　in　lists　of　his　adversary's　own　contriving；　he　had　held　victoriously　to　his　course　while　his　opponent　had　been　unhorsed。　The　granite　composure　of　Senator　Edmunds'　habitual　mien　did　not　permit　any　sign　of　disturbance　to　break　through；　but　his　position　in　the　Senate　was　never　again　what　it　had　been；　and　eventually　he　resigned　his　seat　before　the　expiration　of　his　term。　He　retired　from　public　life　in　1891；　at　the　age　of　sixty…three。

From　the　standpoint　of　the　public　welfare；　it　is　to　be　noted　that　the　issue　turned　on　the　maintenance　of　privilege　rather　than　on　the　discharge　of　responsibility。　President　Cleveland　contended　that　he　was　not　responsible　to　the　Senate　but　to　the　people　for　the　way　in　which　he　exercised　his　trusteeship。　But　the　phrase　〃the　people〃　is　an　abstraction　which　has　no　force　save　as　it　receives　concrete　form　in　appropriate　institutions。　It　is　the　essential　characteristic　of　a　sound　constitutional　system　that　it　supplies　such　institutions；　so　as　to　put　executive　authority　on　its　good　behavior　by　steady　pressure　of　responsibility　through　full　publicity　and　detailed　criticism。　This　result；　the　Senate　fails　to　secure　because　it　keeps　trying　to　invade　executive　authority；　and　to　seize　the　appointing　power　instead　of　seeking　to　enforce　executive　responsibility。　This　point　was　forcibly　put　by　〃The　Nation〃　when　it　said：　〃There　is　only　one　way　of　securing　the　presentation　to　the　Senate　of　all　the　papers　and　documents　which　influence　the　President　in　making　either　removals　or　appointments；　and　that　is　a　simple　way；　and　one　wholly　within　the　reach　of　the　Senators。　They　have　only　to　alter　their　rules；　and　make　executive　sessions　as　public　as　legislative　sessions；　in　order　to　drive　the　President　not　only　into　making　no　nominations　for　which　he　cannot　give　creditable　reasons；　but　into　furnishing　every　creditable　reason　for　the　nomination　which　he　may　have　in　his　possession。〃*

*　〃The　Nation；〃　March　11；　1888。


During　the　struggle；　an　effort　was　made　to　bring　about　this　very　reform；　under　the　lead　of　a　Republican　Senator；　Orville　H。　Platt　of　Connecticut。　On　April　13；1886；　he　delivered　a　carefully　prepared　speech；　based　upon　much　research；　in　which　he　showed　that　the　rule　of　secrecy　in　executive　sessions　could　not　claim　the　sanction　of　the　founders　of　the　government。　It　is　true　that　the　Senate　originally　sat　with　closed　doors　for　all　sorts　of　business；　but　it　discontinued　the　practice　after　a　few　years。　It　was　not　until　1800；　six　years　after　the　practice　of　public　sessions　had　been　adopted；　that　any　rule　of　secrecy　was　applied　to　business　transacted　in　executive　sessions。　Senator　Platt's　motion　to　repeal　this　rule　met　with　determined　opposition　on　both　sides　of　the　chamber；　coupled　with　an　indisposition　to　discuss　the　matter。　When　it　came　up　for　consideration　on　the　15th　of　December；　Senator　Hoar　moved　to　lay　it　on　the　table；　which　was　done　by　a　vote　of　thirty…three　to　twenty…one。　Such　prominent　Democratic　leaders　as　Gorman　of　Maryland　and　Vest　of　Missouri　voted　with　Republican　leaders　like　Evarts；　Edmunds；　Allison；　and　Harrison；　in　favor　of　Hoar's　motion；　while　Hoar's　own　colleague；　Senator　Dawes；　together　with　such　eminent　Republicans　as　Frye　of　Maine；　Hawley　of　Connecticut；　and　Sherman　of　Ohio　voted　with　Platt。　Thus；　any　party　responsibility　for　the　result　was　successfully　avoided；　and　an　issue　of　great　constitutional　importance　was　laid　away　without　any　apparent　stir　of　popular　sentiment。



CHAPTER　V。　PARTY　POLICY　IN　CONGRESS

While　President　Cleveland　was　successfully　asserting　his　executive　authority；　the　House　of　Representatives；　too；　was　trying　to　assert　its　authority；　but　its　choice　of　means　was　such　that　it　was　badly　beaten　and　was　reduced　to　a　state　of　humble　subordination　from　which　it　has　never　emerged。　Its　traditional　procedure　was　arranged　on　the　theory　that　Congress　ought　to　propose　as　well　as　to　enact　legislation；　and　to　receive　recommendations　from　all　quarters　without　preference　or　discrimination。　Although　the　Constitution　makes　it　the　right　and　duty　of　the　President　to　〃recommend　to　their　consideration　such　measures　as　he　shall　judge　necessary　and　expedient；〃　measures　proposed　by　the　Administration　stand　on　the　same　footing　under　the　rules　as　those　proposed　by　the　humblest　citizen　of　the　United　States。　In　both　cases；　they　are　allowed　to　reach　Congress　only　in　the　form　of　a　bill　or　resolution　introduced　by　a　member　of　Congress；　and　they　go　on　the　files　without　any　distinction　as　to　rank　and　position　except　such　as　pertains　to　them　from　the　time　and　order　in　which　they　are　introduced。　Under　the　rules；　all　measures　are　distributed　among　numerous　committees；　each　having　charge　of　a　particular　class；　with　power　to　report　favorably　or　adversely。　Each　committee　is　constituted　as　a　section　of　the　whole　House；　with　a　distribution　of　party　representation　corresponding　to　that　which　exists　in　the　House。

Viewed　as　an　ideal　polity；　the　scheme　has　attractive　features。　In　practice；　however；　it　is　attended　with　great　disadvantages。　Although　the　system　was　originally　introduced　with　the　idea　that　it　would　give　the　House　of　Representatives　control　over　legislative　business；　the　actual　result　has　been　to　reduce　this　body　to　an　impotence　unparalleled　among　national　representative　assemblies　in　countries　having　constitutional　government。　In　a　speech　delivered　on　December　10；　1885；　William　M。　Springer　of　Illinois　complained：　〃We　find　ourselves　bound　hand　and　foot；　the　majority　delivering　themselves　over　to　the　power　of　the　minority　that　might　oppose　any　particular　measures；　so　that　nothing　could　be　done　in　the　way　of　legislation　except　by　unanimous　consent　or　by　a　two…thirds　vote。〃　As　an　instance　of　legislative　paralysis；　he　related　that　〃during　the　last　Congress　a　very　important　bill；　that　providing　for　the　presidential　succession。。。　was　reported　from　a　committee　of　which　I　had　the　honor　to　be　a　member；　and　was　placed　on　the　calendar　of　the　House　on　the　21st　day　of　April；　1884；　and　that　bill；　which　was　favored　by　nearly　the　entire　House；　was　permitted　to　die　on　the　calendar　because　there　never　was　a　moment；　when　under　the　rules　as　they　then　existed；　the　bill　could　be　reached　and　passed　by　the　House。〃　During　the　whole　of　that　session　of　Congress；　the　regular　calendar　was　never　reached。　〃Owing　to　the　fact　that　we　could　not　transact　business　under　the　rules；　all　business　was　done　under　unanimous　consent　or　under　propositions　to　suspend　the　rules　upon　the　two　Mondays　in　each　month　on　which　suspensions　were　allowed。〃　As　a　two…thirds　majority　was　necessary　to　suspend　the　rules；　any　considerable　minority　had　a　veto　power。

The　standing　committees；　whose　ostensible　purpose　was　to　prepare　business　for　consideration；　were　characterized　as　legislative　cemeteries。　Charles　B。　Lore　of　Delaware；　referring　to　the　situation　during　the　previous　session；　said：　〃The　committees　were　formed；　they　met　in　their　respective　committee　rooms　day　after　day；　week　after　week；　working　up　the　business　which　was　committed　to　them　by　this　House；　and　they　reported　to　this　House　8290　bills。　They　came　from　the　respective　committees；　and　they　were　consigned　to　the　calendars　of　this　House；　which　became　for　them　the　tomb　of　the　Capulets；　most　of　them　were　never　heard　of　afterward。　From　the　Senate　there　were　2700　bills。。。。　Nine　tenths　of　the　time　of　the　committees　of　the　Forty…eighth　Congress　was　wasted。　We　met　week　after　week；　month　after　month；　and　labored　over　the　cases　prepared；　and　reported　bills　to　the　House。　They　were　put　upon　the　calendars　and　there　were　buried；　to　be　brought　in　again　and　again　in　succeeding　Congresses。〃

William　D。　Kelley　of　Pennsylvania　bluntly　declared：　〃No　legislation　can　be　effectually　originated　outside　the　Committee　on　Appropriations；　unless　it　be　a　bill　which　will　command　unanimous　consent　or　a　stray　bill　that　may　get　a　two…thirds　vote；　or　a　pension　bill。〃　He　explained　that　he　excepted　pension　bills　〃because　we　have　for　several　years　by　special　order　remitted　the　whole　subject　of　pensions　to　a　committee　who　bring　in　their　bills　at　sessions　held　one　night　in　each　week；　when　ten　or　fifteen　gentlemen　decide　what　soldiers　may　have　pensions　and　what　soldiers　may　not。〃

The　Democratic　party　found　this　situation　extremely　irritating　when　it　came　into　power　in　the　House。　It　was　unable　to　do　anything　of　importance　or　even　to　define　its　own　party　policy；　and　in　the　session　of　Congress　beginning　in　December；　1885；　it　sought　to　correct　the　situation　by　amending　the　rules。　In　this　undertaking　it　had　sympathy　and　support　on　the　Republican　side。　The　duress　under　which　the　House　labored　was　pungently　described　by　Thomas　B。　Reed；　who　was　just　about　that　time　revealing　the　ability　that　gained　for　him　the　Republican　leadership。　In　a　speech；　delivered　on　December　16；　1885；　he　declared：　〃For　the　last　three　Congresses　the　representatives　of　the　people　of　the　United　States　have　been　in　irons。　They　have　been　allowed　to　transact　no　public　business　except　at　the　dictation　and　by　the　permission　of　a　small　coterie　of　gentlemen；　who；　while　t