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in　its　effect　upon　public　opinion。　〃I　do　not　suppose；〃　he　said；　〃that　the　public　offices　of　the　United　States　are　regulated　or　controlled　in　their　relations　to　either　House　of　Congress　by　the　fact　that　they　were　'created　by　laws　enacted　by　themselves。'　It　must　be　that　these　instrumentalities　were　enacted　for　the　benefit　of　the　people　and　to　answer　the　general　purposes　of　government　under　the　Constitution　and　the　laws；　and　that　they　are　unencumbered　by　any　lien　in　favor　of　either　branch　of　Congress　growing　out　of　their　construction；　and　unembarrassed　by　any　obligation　to　the　Senate　as　the　price　of　their　creation。〃

The　President　asserted　that；　as　a　matter　of　fact；　no　official　papers　on　file　in　the　departments　had　been　withheld。　〃While　it　is　by　no　means　conceded　that　the　Senate　has　the　right；　in　any　case；　to　review　the　act　of　the　Executive　in　removing　or　suspending　a　public　officer　upon　official　documents　or　otherwise；　it　is　considered　that　documents　and　papers　of　that　nature　should；　because　they　are　official；　be　freely　transmitted　to　the　Senate　upon　its　demand；　trusting　the　use　of　the　same；　for　proper　and　legitimate　purposes；　to　the　good　faith　of　that　body；　and　though　no　such　paper　or　document　has　been　especially　demanded　in　any　of　the　numerous　requests　and　demands　made　upon　the　departments；　yet　as　often　as　they　were　found　in　the　public　offices　they　have　been　furnished　in　answer　to　such　applications。〃　The　point　made　by　the　President；　with　sharp　emphasis；　was　that　there　was　nothing　in　his　action　which　could　be　construed　as　a　refusal　of　access　to　official　records；　what　he　did　refuse　to　acknowledge　was　the　right　of　the　Senate　to　inquire　into　his　motives　and　to　exact　from　him　a　disclosure　of　the　facts；　circumstances；　and　sources　of　information　that　prompted　his　action。　The　materials　upon　which　his　judgment　was　formed　were　of　a　varied　character。　〃They　consist　of　letters　and　representations　addressed　to　the　Executive　or　intended　for　his　inspection；　they　are　voluntarily　written　and　presented　by　private　citizens　who　are　not　in　the　least　instigated　thereto　by　any　official　invitation　or　at　all　subject　to　official　control。　While　some　of　them　are　entitled　to　Executive　consideration；　many　of　them　are　so　irrelevant　or　in　the　light　of　other　facts　so　worthless；　that　they　have　not　been　given　the　least　weight　in　determining　the　question　to　which　they　are　supposed　to　relate。〃　If　such　matter　were　to　be　considered　public　records　and　subject　to　the　inspection　of　the　Senate；　the　President　would　thereby　incur　〃the　risk　of　being　charged　with　making　a　suspension　from　office　upon　evidence　which　was　not　even　considered。〃

Issue　as　to　the　status　of　such　documents　was　joined　by　the　President　in　the　sharpest　possible　way　by　the　declaration：　〃I　consider　them　in　no　proper　sense　as　upon　the　files　of　the　department　but　as　deposited　there　for　my　convenience；　remaining　still　completely　under　my　control。　I　suppose　if　I　desired　to　take　them　into　my　custody　I　might　do　so　with　entire　propriety；　and　if　I　saw　fit　to　destroy　them　no　one　could　complain。〃

Moreover；　there　were　cases　in　which　action　was　prompted　by　oral　communications　which　did　not　go　on　record　in　any　form。　As　to　this；　Cleveland　observed；　〃It　will　not　be　denied；　I　suppose；　that　the　President　may　suspend　a　public　officer　in　the　entire　absence　of　any　papers　or　documents　to　aid　his　official　judgment　and　discretion；　and　I　am　quite　prepared　to　avow　that　the　cases　are　not　few　in　which　suspensions　from　office　have　depended　more　upon　oral　representations　made　to　me　by　citizens　of　known　good　repute　and　by　members　of　the　House　of　Representatives　and　Senators　of　the　United　States　than　upon　any　letters　and　documents　presented　for　my　examination。〃　Nor　were　such　representations　confined　to　members　of　his　own　party　for；　said　he；　〃I　recall　a　few　suspensions　which　bear　the　approval　of　individual　members　identified　politically　with　the　majority　in　the　Senate。〃　The　message　then　reviewed　the　legislative　history　of　the　Tenure　of　Office　Act　and　questioned　its　constitutionality。　The　position　which　the　President　had　taken　and　would　maintain　was　exactly　defined　by　this　vigorous　statement　in　his　message：

〃The　requests　and　demands　which　by　the　score　have　for　nearly　three　months　been　presented　to　the　different　Departments　of　the　government；　whatever　may　be　their　form；　have　but　one　complexion。　They　assume　the　right　of　the　Senate　to　sit　in　judgement　upon　the　exercise　of　my　exclusive　discretion　and　executive　function；　for　which　I　am　solely　responsible　to　the　people　from　whom　I　have　so　lately　received　the　sacred　trust　of　office。　My　oath　to　support　and　defend　the　Constitution；　my　duty　to　the　people　who　have　chosen　me　to　execute　the　powers　of　their　great　office　and　not　relinquish　them；　and　my　duty　to　the　chief　magistracy　which　I　must　preserve　unimpaired　in　all　its　dignity　and　vigor；　compel　me　to　refuse　compliance　with　these　demands。〃

There　is　a　ringing　quality　in　the　style　of　this　message　not　generally　characteristic　of　President　Cleveland's　state　papers。　It　evoked　as　ringing　a　response　from　public　opinion；　and　this　effect　was　heightened　by　a　tactless　allusion　to　the　message　made　at　this　time　in　the　Senate。　In　moving　a　reference　of　the　message　to　the　Judiciary　Committee；　its　chairman；　Senator　Edmunds　of　Vermont；　remarked　that　the　presidential　message　brought　vividly　to　his　mind　〃the　communication　of　King　Charles　I　to　the　Parliament；　telling　them　what；　in　conducting　their　affairs；　they　ought　to　do　and　ought　not　to　do。〃　The　historical　reference；　however；　had　an　application　which　Senator　Edmunds　did　not　foresee。　It　brought　vividly　to　mind　what　the　people　of　England　had　endured　from　a　factional　tyranny　so　relentless　that　the　nation　was　delighted　when　Oliver　Cromwell　turned　Parliament　out　of　doors。　It　is　an　interesting　coincidence　that　the　Cleveland　era　was　marked　by　what　in　the　book　trade　was　known　as　the　Cromwell　boom。　Another　unfortunate　remark　made　by　Senator　Edmunds　was　that　it　was　the　first　time　〃that　any　President　of　the　United　States　has　undertaken　to　interfere　with　the　deliberations　of　either　House　of　Congress　on　questions　pending　before　them；　otherwise　than　by　message　on　the　state　of　the　Union　which　the　Constitution　commands　him　to　make　from　time　to　time。〃　The　effect　of　this　statement；　however；　was　to　stir　up　recollections　of　President　Jackson's　message　of　protest　against　the　censure　of　the　Senate。　The　principle　laid　down　by　Jackson　in　his　message　of　April　15；　1834；　was　that　〃the　President　is　the　direct　representative　of　the　American　people；〃　whereas　the　Senate　is　〃a　body　not　directly　amenable　to　the　people。〃　However　assailable　this　statement　may　be　from　the　standpoint　of　traditional　legal　theory；　it　is　indubitably　the　principle　to　which　American　politics　conform　in　practice。　The　people　instinctively　expect　the　President　to　guard　their　interests　against　congressional　machinations。

There　was　a　prevalent　belief　that　the　Senate's　profession　of　motives；　of　constitutional　propriety；　was　insincere　and　that　the　position　it　had　assumed　would　never　have　been　thought　of　had　the　Republican　candidate　for　President　been　elected。　A　feeling　that　the　Senate　was　not　playing　the　game　fairly　to　refuse　the　Democrats　their　innings　was　felt　even　among　Senator　Edmunds'　own　adherents。　A　spirit　of　comity　traversing　party　lines　is　very　noticeable　in　the　intercourse　of　professional　politicians。　Their　willingness　to　help　each　other　out　is　often　manifested；　particularly　in　struggles　involving　control　of　party　machinery。　Indeed；　a　system　of　ring　rule　in　a　governing　party　seems　to　have　for　its　natural　concomitant　the　formation　of　a　similar　ring　in　the　regular　opposition；　and　the　two　rings　maintain　friendly　relations　behind　the　forms　of　party　antagonism。　The　situation　is　very　similar　to　that　which　exists　between　opposing　counsel　in　suits　at　law；　where　the　contentions　at　the　trial　table　may　seem　to　be　full　of　animosity　and　may　indeed　at　times　really　develop　personal　enmity；　but　which　as　a　general　rule　are　merely　for　effect　and　do　not　at　all　hinder　cooperation　in　matters　pertaining　to　their　common　professional　interest。

The　attitude　taken　by　the　Senate　in　its　opposition　to　President　Cleveland　jarred　upon　this　sense　of　professional　comity；　and　it　was　very　noticeable　that　in　the　midst　of　the　struggle　some　questionable　nominations　of　notorious　machine　politicians　were　confirmed　by　the　Senate。　It　may　have　been　that　a　desire　to　discredit　the　reform　professions　of　the　Administration　contributed　to　this　result；　but　the　effect　was　disadvantageous　to　the　Senate。　〃The　Nation〃　on　March　11；　1886；　in　a　powerful　article　reviewing　the　controversy　observed：　〃There　is　not　the　smallest　reason　for　believing　that；　if　the　Senate　won；　it　would　use　its　victory　in　any　way　for　the　maintenance　or　promotion　of　reform。　In　truth；　in　the　very　midst　of　the　controversy；　it　confirmed　the　nomination　of　one　of　Baltimore's　political　scamps。〃　It　is　certainly　true　that　the　advising　power　of　the　Senate　has　never　exerted　a　corrective　influence　upon　appointments　to　office；　its　constant　tendency　is　towards　a　system　of　apportionment　which　concedes　the　right　of　the　President　to　certain　personal　appointments　and　asserts　the　reciprocal　right　of　Congressmen　to　their　individual　quotas。

As　a　result　of　these