the cleveland era-第1节

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The　Cleveland　Era；　A　Chronicle　of　the　New　Order　in　Politics

by　Henry　Jones　Ford






CONTENTS

I。　A　TRANSITION　PERIOD
II。　POLITICAL　GROPING　AND　PARTY　FLUCTUATION
III。　THE　ADVENT　OF　CLEVELAND
IV。　A　CONSTITUTIONAL　CRISIS
V。　PARTY　POLICY　IN　CONGRESS
VI。　PRESIDENTIAL　KNIGHT…ERRANTRY
VII。　THE　PUBLIC　DISCONTENTS
VIII。　THE　REPUBLICAN　OPPORTUNITY
IX。　THE　FREE　SILVER　REVOLT
X。　LAW　AND　ORDER　UPHELD
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL　NOTE







THE　CLEVELAND　ERA


CHAPTER　I。　A　TRANSITION　PERIOD

Politicians　at　Washington　very　generally　failed　to　realize　that　the　advent　of　President　Hayes　marked　the　dismissal　of　the　issues　of　war　and　reconstruction。　They　regarded　as　an　episode　what　turned　out　to　be　the　close　of　an　era。　They　saw；　indeed；　that　public　interest　in　the　old　issues　had　waned；　but　they　were　confident　that　this　lack　of　interest　was　transient。　They　admitted　that　the　emotional　fervor　excited　by　the　war　and　by　the　issues　of　human　right　involved　in　its　results　was　somewhat　damped；　but　they　believed　that　the　settlement　of　those　issues　was　still　so　incomplete　that　public　interest　would　surely　rekindle。　For　many　years　the　ruling　thought　of　the　Republican　party　leaders　was　to　be　watchful　of　any　opportunity　to　ply　the　bellows　on　the　embers。　Besides　genuine　concern　over　the　way　in　which　the　negroes　had　been　divested　of　political　privileges　conferred　by　national　legislation；　the　Republicans　felt　a　tingling　sense　of　party　injury。

The　most　eminent　party　leaders　at　this　timeboth　standing　high　as　presidential　possibilitieswere　James　G。　Blaine　and　John　Sherman。　In　a　magazine　article　published　in　1880　Mr。　Blaine　wrote：　〃As　the　matter　stands；　all　violence　in　the　South　inures　to　the　benefit　of　one　political　party。。。。　Our　institutions　have　been　tried　by　the　fiery　test　of　war；　and　have　survived。　It　remains　to　be　seen　whether　the　attempt　to　govern　the　country　by　the　power　of　a　'solid　South；'　unlawfully　consolidated；　can　be　successful。。。。　The　republic　must　be　strong　enough；　and　shall　be　strong　enough；　to　protect　the　weakest　of　its　citizens　in　all　their　rights。〃　And　so　late　as　1884；　Mr。　Sherman　earnestly　contended　for　the　principle　of　national　intervention　in　the　conduct　of　state　elections。　〃The　war；〃　he　said；　〃emancipated　and　made　citizens　of　five　million　people　who　had　been　slaves。　This　was　a　national　act　and　whether　wisely　or　imprudently　done　it　must　be　respected　by　the　people　of　all　the　States。　If　sought　to　be　reversed　in　any　degree　by　the　people　of　any　locality　it　is　the　duty　of　the　national　government　to　make　their　act　respected　by　all　its　citizens。〃

Republican　party　platforms　reiterated　such　opinions　long　after　their　practical　futility　had　become　manifest。　Indeed；　it　was　a　matter　of　common　knowledge　that　negro　suffrage　had　been　undone　by　force　and　fraud；　hardly　more　than　a　perfunctory　denial　of　the　fact　was　ever　made　in　Congress；　and　meanwhile　it　was　a　source　of　jest　and　anecdote　among　members　of　all　parties　behind　the　scenes。　Republican　members　were　bantered　by　Democratic　colleagues　upon　the　way　in　which　provision　for　Republican　party　advantage　in　the　South　had　actually　given　to　the　Democratic　party　a　solid　block　of　sure　electoral　votes。　The　time　at　last　came　when　a　Southern　Senator；　Benjamin　Tillman　of　South　Carolina；　blurted　out　in　the　open　what　had　for　years　been　common　talk　in　private。　〃We　took　the　government　away；〃　be　asserted。　〃We　stuffed　ballot　boxes。　We　shot　them。　We　are　not　ashamed　of　it。。。。　With　that　systemforce；　tissue　ballots；　etc。we　got　tired　ourselves。　So　we　called　a　constitutional　convention；　and　we　eliminated；　as　I　said；　all　of　the　colored　people　we　could　under　the　fourteenth　and　fifteenth　amendments。。。。　The　brotherhood　of　man　exists　no　longer；　because　you　shoot　negroes　in　Illinois；　when　they　come　in　competition　with　your　labor；　and　we　shoot　them　in　South　Carolina；　when　they　come　in　competition　with　us　in　the　matter　of　elections。〃

Such　a　miscarriage　of　Republican　policy　was　long　a　bitter　grievance　to　the　leaders　of　the　party　and　incited　them　to　action。　If　they　could　have　had　their　desire；　they　would　have　used　stringent　means　to　remedy　the　situation。　Measures　to　enforce　the　political　rights　of　the　freedmen　were　frequently　agitated；　but　every　force　bill　which　was　presented　had　to　encounter　a　deep　and　pervasive　opposition　not　confined　by　party　lines　but　manifested　even　within　the　Republican　party　itself。　Party　platforms　insisted　upon　the　issue；　but　public　opinion　steadily　disregarded　it。　Apparently　a　fine　opportunity　to　redress　this　grievance　was　afforded　by　the　election　of　President　Harrison　in　1888　upon　a　platform　declaring　that　the　national　power　of　the　Democratic　party　was　due　to　〃the　suppression　of　the　ballot　by　a　criminal　nullification　of　the　Constitution　and　laws　of　the　United　States；〃　and　demanding　〃effective　legislation　to　secure　integrity　and　purity　of　elections。〃　But；　although　they　were　victorious　at　the　polls　that　year；　the　Republican　leaders　were　unable　to　embody　in　legislation　the　ideal　proposed　in　their　platform。　Of　the　causes　of　this　failure；　George　F。　Hoar　gives　an　instructive　account　in　his　〃Autobiography。〃　As　chairman　of　the　Senate　committee　on　privileges　and　elections　he　was　in　a　position　to　know　all　the　details　of　the　legislative　attempts；　the　failure　of　which　compelled　the　Republican　leaders　to　acquiesce　in　the　decision　of　public　opinion　against　the　old　issues　and　in　favor　of　new　issues。

Senator　Hoar　relates　that　he　made　careful　preparation　of　a　bill　for　holding；　under　national　authority；　separate　registrations　and　elections　for　members　of　Congress。　But　when　he　consulted　his　party　associates　in　the　Senate　he　found　most　of　them　averse　to　an　arrangement　which　would　double　the　cost　of　elections　and　would　require　citizens　to　register　at　different　times　for　federal　elections　and　for　state　and　municipal　elections。　Senator　Hoar　thereupon　abandoned　that　bill　and　prepared　another　which　provided　that；　upon　application　to　court　showing　reasonable　grounds；　the　court　should　appoint　officers　from　both　parties　to　supervise　the　election。　The　bill　adopted　a　feature　of　electoral　procedure　which　in　England　has　had　a　salutary　effect。　It　was　provided　that　in　case　of　a　dispute　concerning　an　election　certificate；　the　circuit　court　of　the　United　States　in　which　the　district　was　situated　should　hear　the　case　and　should　award　a　certificate　entitling　the　one　or　other　of　the　contestants　to　be　placed　on　the　clerk's　roll　and　to　serve　until　the　House　should　act　on　the　case。　Mr。　Hoar　stated　that　the　bill　〃deeply　excited　the　whole　country；〃　and　went　on　to　say　that　〃some　worthy　Republican　senators　became　alarmed。　They　thought；　with　a　good　deal　of　reason；　that　it　was　better　to　allow　existing　evils　and　conditions　to　be　cured　by　time；　and　the　returning　conscience　and　good　sense　of　the　people；　rather　than　have　the　strife；　the　result　of　which　must　be　quite　doubtful；　which　the　enactment　and　enforcement　of　this　law；　however　moderate　and　just；　would　inevitably　create。〃　The　existence　of　this　attitude　of　mind　made　party　advocacy　of　the　bill　a　hopeless　undertaking　and；　though　it　was　favorably　reported　on　August　7；　1890；　no　further　action　was　taken　during　that　session。　At　the　December　session　it　was　taken　up　for　consideration；　but　after　a　few　days　of　debate　a　motion　to　lay　it　aside　was　carried　by　the　Democrats　with　the　assistance　of　enough　Republicans　to　give　them　a　majority。　This　was　the　end　of　force　bills；　and　during　President　Cleveland's　second　term　the　few　remaining　statutes　giving　authority　for　federal　interference　in　such　matters　was　repealed　under　the　lead　of　Senator　Hill　of　New　York。　With　the　passage　of　this　act；　the　Republican　party　leaders　for　the　first　time　abandoned　all　purpose　of　attempting　to　secure　by　national　legislation　the　political　privileges　of　the　negroes。　This　determination　was　announced　is　the　Senate　by　Mr。　Hoar　and　was　assented　to　by　Senator　Chandler　of　New　Hampshire；　who　had　been　a　zealous　champion　of　federal　action。　According　to　Mr。　Hoar；　〃no　Republican　has　dissented　from　it。〃

The　facts　upon　which　the　force　bill　was　based　were　so　notorious　and　the　bill　itself　was　so　moderate　in　its　character　that　the　general　indifference　of　the　public　seemed　to　betray　moral　insensibility　and　emotional　torpor。　Much　could　be　said　in　favor　of　the　bill。　This　latest　assertion　of　national　authority　in　federal　elections　involved　no　new　principle。　In　legalistic　complexion　the　proposed　measure　was　of　the　same　character　as　previous　legislation　dealing　with　this　subject；　instances　of　which　are　the　Act　of　1842；　requiring　the　election　of　members　of　the　House　by　districts；　and　the　Act　of　1866；　regulating　the　election　of　United　States　Senators。　Fraudulent　returns　in　congressional　elections　have　always　been　a　notorious　evil；　and　the　partisan　way　in　which　they　are　passed　upon　is　still　a　gross　blemish　upon　the　constitutional　system　of　the　United　States；　and　one　which　is　likely　never　to　be　removed　until　the　principle　of　judicial　determination　of　electoral　contests　has　been　adopted　in　this　country　as　it　has　been　in　England。　The　truth　of　the　matter　appears　to　be　that　the　public　paid　no　attention　to　the　merits　of　the　bill。　It　was　viewed　simply　as　a　continuation　of　the　radical　reconstruction　policy；　the　practical　results　of　which　had　become