the psychology of revolution-第27节

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As　ignorant　of　psychology　as　of　the　teachings　of　history；　they

considered　the　plebeian　man　as　naturally　good；　affectionate；

grateful；　and　always　ready　to　listen　to　reason。



The　speeches　delivered　by　members　of　the　Assembly　show　how

profound　were　these　illusions。　　When　the　peasants　began　to　burn

the　chateaux　they　were　greatly　astonished；　and　addressed

them　in　sentimental　harangues；　praying　them　to　cease；　in　order

not　to　‘‘give　pain　to　their　good　king；''　and　adjured　them　‘‘to

surprise　him　by　their　virtues。''





2。　　Illusions　respecting　the　Possibility　of　separating　Man　from

his　Past　and　the　Power　of　Transformation　attributed　to　the　Law。





One　of　the　principles　which　served　as　a　foundation　for　the

revolutionary　institutions　was　that　man　may　readily　be　cut　off

from　his　past；　and　that　a　society　may　be　re…made　in　all　its　parts

by　means　of　institutions。　　Persuaded　in　the　light　of　reason　that；

except　for　the　primitive　ages　which　were　to　serve　as　models；　the

past　represented　an　inheritance　of　errors　and　superstitions；　the

legislators　of　the　day　resolved　to　break　entirely　with　that　past。



The　better　to　emphasise　their　intention；　they　founded　a

new　era；　transformed　the　calendar；　and　changed　the　names　of　the

months　and　seasons。



Supposing　all　men　to　be　alike；　they　thought　they　could　legislate

for　the　human　race。　　Condorcet　imagined　that　he　was　expressing　an

evident　truth　when　he　said：　　‘‘A　good　law　must　be　good　for　all

men；　just　as　a　geometrical　proposition　is　true　for　all。''



The　theorists　of　the　Revolution　never　perceived；　behind　the　world

of　visible　things；　the　secret　springs　which　moved　them。　　A

century　of　biological　progress　was　needed　to　show　how　grievous

were　their　mistakes；　and　how　wholly　a　being　of　whatever　species

depends　on　its　past。



With　the　influence　of　the　past；　the　reformers　of　the　Revolution

were　always　clashing；　without　ever　understanding　it。　　They　wanted

to　annihilate　it；　but　were　annihilated　by　it　instead。



The　faith　of　law…makers　in　the　absolute　power　of　laws　and

institutions；　rudely　shaken　by　the　end　of　the　Revolution；　was

absolute　at　its　outbreak。　　Gregoire　said　from　the　tribune　of

the　Constituent　Assembly；　without　provoking　the　least

astonishment：　　‘‘We　could　if　we　would　change　religion；　but　we　do

not　want　to。''　　We　know　that　they　did　want　to　later；　and　we　know

how　miserably　their　attempt　failed。



Yet　the　Jacobins　had　in　their　hands　all　the　elements　of　success。　

Thanks　to　the　completest　of　tyrannies；　all　obstacles　were

removed；　and　the　laws　which　it　pleased　them　to　impose　were　always

accepted。　　After　ten　years　of　violence；　of　destruction　and

burning　and　pillage　and　massacre　and　general　upheaval；

their　impotence　was　revealed　so　startlingly　that　they　fell　into

universal　reprobation。　　The　dictator　then　invoked　by　the　whole　of

France　was　obliged　to　re…establish　the　greater　part　of　that　which

had　been　destroyed。



The　attempt　of　the　Jacobins　to　re…fashion　society　in　the　name　of

pure　reason　constitutes　an　experiment　of　the　highest　interest。　

Probably　mankind　will　never　have　occasion　to　repeat　it　on　so　vast

a　scale。



Although　the　lesson　was　a　terrible　one；　it　does　not　seem　to　have

been　sufficient　for　a　considerable　class　of　minds；　since　even　in

our　days　we　hear　Socialists　propose　to　rebuild　society　from　top

to　bottom　according　to　their　chimerical　plans。





3。　　Illusions　respecting　the　Theoretical　Value　of　the　great

Revolutionary　Principles。



The　fundamental　principles　on　which　the　Revolution　was　based　in

order　to　create　a　new　dispensation　are　contained　in　the

Declarations　of　Rights　which　were　formulated　successively　in

1789；　1793；　and　1795。　　All　three　Declarations　agree　in

proclaiming　that　‘‘the　principle　of　sovereignty　resides　in　the

nation。''



For　the　rest；　the　three　Declarations　differ　on　several　points；

notably　in　the　matter　of　equality。　　That　of　1789　simply　states

（Article　1）：　　‘‘Men　are　born　and　remain　free　and　having　equal

rights。''　　That　of　1793　goes　farther；　and　assures　us　（Article　3）：



‘‘All　men　are　equal　by　nature。''　　That　of　1795　is　more　modest　and

says　（Article　3）：　　‘‘Equality　consists　in　the　law　being　the　same

for　all。''　　Besides　this；　having　mentioned　rights；　the　third

Declaration　considers　it　useful　to　speak　of　duties。　　Its

morality　is　simply　that　of　the　Gospel。　　Article　2　says：　　‘‘All

the　duties　of　a　man　and　a　citizen　derive　from　these　two

principles　engraved　on　all　hearts　by　nature：　do　not　do　unto

others　that　which　you　would　not　they　should　do　unto　you；　do

constantly　unto　others　the　good　you　would　wish　to　receive　from

them。''



The　essential　portions　of　these　proclamations；　the　only　portions

which　have　really　survived；　were　those　relating　to　equality　and

popular　sovereignty。



Despite　the　weakness　of　its　rational　meaning；　the　part　played　by

the　Republican　device；　Liberty；　Equality；　Fraternity；　was

considerable。



This　magic　formula；　which　is　still　left　engraven　on　many　of　our

walls　until　it　shall　be　engraven　on　our　hearts；　has　really

possessed　the　supernatural　power　attributed　to　certain　words　by

the　old　sorcerers。



Thanks　to　the　new　hopes　excited　by　its　promises；　its　power　of

expansion　was　considerable。　　Thousands　of　men　lost　their　lives

for　it。　　Even　in　our　days；　when　a　revolution　breaks　out　in　any

part　of　the　world；　the　same　formula　is　always　invoked。



Its　choice　was　happy　in　the　extreme。　　It　belongs　to　the　category

of　indefinite　dream…evoking　sentences；　which　every　one　is　free　to

interpret　according　to　his　own　desires；　hatreds；　and　hopes。　　In

matters　of　faith　the　real　sense　of　words　matters　very　little；　it

is　the　meaning　attached　to　them　that　makes　their　importance。



Of　the　three　principles　of　the　revolutionary　device；　equality　was

most　fruitful　of　consequences。　　We　shall　see　in　another　part　of

this　book　that　it　is　almost　the　only　one　which　still

survives；　and　is　still　productive　of　effects。



It　was　certainly　not　the　Revolution　that　introduced　the　idea　of

equality　into　the　world。　　Without　going　back　even　to　the　Greek

republics；　we　may　remark　that　the　theory　of　equality　was　taught

in　the　clearest　fashion　by　Christianity　and　Islamism。　　All　men；

subjects　of　the　one　God；　were　equal　before　Him；　and　judged　solely

according　to　their　merits。　　The　dogma　of　the　equality　of　souls

before　God　was　an　essential　dogma　with　Mohammedans　as　well　as

with　Christians。



But　to　proclaim　a　principle　is　not　enough　to　secure　its

observation。　　The　Christian　Church　soon　renounced　its　theoretical

equality；　and　the　men　of　the　Revolution　only　remembered　it　in

their　speeches。



The　sense　of　the　term　‘‘equality''　varies　according　to　the

persons　using　it。　　It　often　conceals　sentiments　very　contrary　to

its　real　sense；　and　then　represents　the　imperious　need　of　having

no　one　above　one；　joined　to　the　no　less　lively　desire　to　feel

above　others。　　With　the　Jacobins　of　the　Revolution；　as　with　those

of　our　days；　the　word　‘‘equality''　simply　involves　a　jealous

hatred　of　all　superiority。　　To　efface　superiority；　such　men

pretend　to　unify　manners；　customs；　and　situations。　　All

despotisms　but　that　exercised　by　themselves　seem　odious。



Not　being　able　to　avoid　the　natural　inequalities；　they　deny　them。



The　second　Declaration　of　Rights；　that　of　1793；　affirms；　contrary

to　the　evidence；　that　‘‘all　men　are　equal　by　nature。''



It　would　seem　that　in　many　of　the　men　of　the　Revolution

the　ardent　desire　for　equality　merely　concealed　an　intense　need

of　inequalities。　　Napoleon　was　obliged　to　re…establish　titles　of

nobility　and　decorations　for　their　benefit。　　Having　shown　that　it

was　among　the　most　rabid　revolutionists　that　he　found　the　most

docile　instruments　of　domination；　Taine　continues：



‘‘Suddenly；　through　all　their　preaching　of　liberty　and　equality；

appeared　their　authoritative　instincts；　their　need　of　commanding；

even　as　subordinates；　and　also；　in　most　cases；　an　appetite　for

money　or　for　pleasure。　　Between　the　delegate　of　the　Committee　of

Public　Safety　and　the　minister；　prefect；　or　subprefect　of　the

Empire　the　difference　is　small：　it　is　the　same　man　under　the　two

costumes；　first　en　carmagnole；　then　in　the　braided　coat。''



The　dogma　of　equality　had　as　its　first　consequence　the

proclamation　of　popular　sovereignty　by　the　bourgeoisie。　　This

sovereignty　remained　otherwise　highly　theoretical　during　the

whole　Revolution。



The　principle　of　authority　was　the　lasting　legacy　of　the

Revolution。　　The　two　terms　‘‘liberty''　and　‘‘fraternity''　which

accompany　it　in　the　republican　device　had　never　much　influence。　

We　may　even　say　that　they　had　none　during　the　Revolution　and　the

Empire；　but　merely　served　to　decorate　men's　speeches。



Their　influence　was　hardly　more　considerable　later。　　Fraternity

was　never　practised　and　the　peoples　have　never　cared　much　for

liberty。　　To…day　our　working…men　have　completely　surrendered　it

to　their　unions。



T