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it　the　most　of　this　ingredient。　　And　I　sincerely　believe；　with　you；

that　banking　establishments　are　more　dangerous　than　standing　armies；

and　that　the　principle　of　spending　money　to　be　paid　by　posterity；

under　the　name　of　funding；　is　but　swindling　futurity　on　a　large

scale。




　　　　　　　　I　salute　you　with　constant　friendship　and　respect。







　　　　　　　　REFORM　OF　THE　VIRGINIA　CONSTITUTION




　　　　　　　　_To　Samuel　Kercheval_

　　　　　　　　_Monticello；　July　12；　1816_




　　　　　　　　SIR；　　I　duly　received　your　favor　of　June　the　13th；　with　the

copy　of　the　letters　on　the　calling　a　convention；　on　which　you　are

pleased　to　ask　my　opinion。　　I　have　not　been　in　the　habit　of

mysterious　reserve　on　any　subject；　nor　of　buttoning　up　my　opinions

within　my　own　doublet。　　On　the　contrary；　while　in　public　service

especially；　I　thought　the　public　entitled　to　frankness；　and

intimately　to　know　whom　they　employed。　　But　I　am　now　retired：　I

resign　myself；　as　a　passenger；　with　confidence　to　those　at　present　at

the　helm；　and　ask　but　for　rest；　peace　and　good　will。　　The　question

you　propose；　on　equal　representation；　has　become　a　party　one；　in

which　I　wish　to　take　no　public　share。　　Yet；　if　it　be　asked　for　your

own　satisfaction　only；　and　not　to　be　quoted　before　the　public；　I　have

no　motive　to　withhold　it；　and　the　less　from　you；　as　it　coincides　with

your　own。　　At　the　birth　of　our　republic；　I　committed　that　opinion　to

the　world；　in　the　draught　of　a　constitution　annexed　to　the　〃Notes　on

Virginia；〃　in　which　a　provision　was　inserted　for　a　representation

permanently　equal。　　The　infancy　of　the　subject　at　that　moment；　and

our　inexperience　of　self…government；　occasioned　gross　departures　in

that　draught　from　genuine　republican　canons。　　In　truth；　the　abuses　of

monarchy　had　so　much　filled　all　the　space　of　political　contemplation；

that　we　imagined　everything　republican　which　was　not　monarchy。　　We

had　not　yet　penetrated　to　the　mother　principle；　that　〃governments　are

republican　only　in　proportion　as　they　embody　the　will　of　their

people；　and　execute　it。〃　Hence；　our　first　constitutions　had　really　no

leading　principles　in　them。　　But　experience　and　reflection　have　but

more　and　more　confirmed　me　in　the　particular　importance　of　the　equal

representation　then　proposed。　　On　that　point；　then；　I　am　entirely　in

sentiment　with　your　letters；　and　only　lament　that　a　copy…right　of

your　pamphlet　prevents　their　appearance　in　the　newspapers；　where

alone　they　would　be　generally　read；　and　produce　general　effect。　　The

present　vacancy　too；　of　other　matter；　would　give　them　place　in　every

paper；　and　bring　the　question　home　to　every　man's　conscience。




　　　　　　　　But　inequality　of　representation　in　both　Houses　of　our

legislature；　is　not　the　only　republican　heresy　in　this　first　essay　of

our　revolutionary　patriots　at　forming　a　constitution。　　For　let　it　be

agreed　that　a　government　is　republican　in　proportion　as　every　member

composing　it　has　his　equal　voice　in　the　direction　of　its　concerns

（not　indeed　in　person；　which　would　be　impracticable　beyond　the　limits

of　a　city；　or　small　township；　but）　by　representatives　chosen　by

himself；　and　responsible　to　him　at　short　periods；　and　let　us　bring　to

the　test　of　this　canon　every　branch　of　our　constitution。




　　　　　　　　In　the　legislature；　the　House　of　Representatives　is　chosen　by

less　than　half　the　people；　and　not　at　all　in　proportion　to　those　who

do　choose。　　The　Senate　are　still　more　disproportionate；　and　for　long

terms　of　irresponsibility。　　In　the　Executive；　the　Governor　is

entirely　independent　of　the　choice　of　the　people；　and　of　their

control；　his　Council　equally　so；　and　at　best　but　a　fifth　wheel　to　a

wagon。　　In　the　Judiciary；　the　judges　of　the　highest　courts　are

dependent　on　none　but　themselves。　　In　England；　where　judges　were

named　and　removable　at　the　will　of　an　hereditary　executive；　from

which　branch　most　misrule　was　feared；　and　has　flowed；　it　was　a　great

point　gained；　by　fixing　them　for　life；　to　make　them　independent　of

that　executive。　　But　in　a　government　founded　on　the　public　will；　this

principle　operates　in　an　opposite　direction；　and　against　that　will。

There；　too；　they　were　still　removable　on　a　concurrence　of　the

executive　and　legislative　branches。　　But　we　have　made　them

independent　of　the　nation　itself。　　They　are　irremovable；　but　by　their

own　body；　for　any　depravities　of　conduct；　and　even　by　their　own　body

for　the　imbecilities　of　dotage。　　The　justices　of　the　inferior　courts

are　self…chosen；　are　for　life；　and　perpetuate　their　own　body　in

succession　forever；　so　that　a　faction　once　possessing　themselves　of

the　bench　of　a　county；　can　never　be　broken　up；　but　hold　their　county

in　chains；　forever　indissoluble。　　Yet　these　justices　are　the　real

executive　as　well　as　judiciary；　in　all　our　minor　and　most　ordinary

concerns。　　They　tax　us　at　will；　fill　the　office　of　sheriff；　the　most

important　of　all　the　executive　officers　of　the　county；　name　nearly

all　our　military　leaders；　which　leaders；　once　named；　are　removable

but　by　themselves。　　The　juries；　our　judges　of　all　fact；　and　of　law

when　they　choose　it；　are　not　selected　by　the　people；　nor　amenable　to

them。　　They　are　chosen　by　an　officer　named　by　the　court　and

executive。　　Chosen；　did　I　say？　　Picked　up　by　the　sheriff　from　the

loungings　of　the　court　yard；　after　everything　respectable　has　retired

from　it。　　Where　then　is　our　republicanism　to　be　found？　　Not　in　our

constitution　certainly；　but　merely　in　the　spirit　of　our　people。　　That

would　oblige　even　a　despot　to　govern　us　republicanly。　　Owing　to　this

spirit；　and　to　nothing　in　the　form　of　our　constitution；　all　things

have　gone　well。　　But　this　fact；　so　triumphantly　misquoted　by　the

enemies　of　reformation；　is　not　the　fruit　of　our　constitution；　but　has

prevailed　in　spite　of　it。　　Our　functionaries　have　done　well；　because

generally　honest　men。　　If　any　were　not　so；　they　feared　to　show　it。




　　　　　　　　But　it　will　be　said；　it　is　easier　to　find　faults　than　to　amend

them。　　I　do　not　think　their　amendment　so　difficult　as　is　pretended。

Only　lay　down　true　principles；　and　adhere　to　them　inflexibly。　　Do　not

be　frightened　into　their　surrender　by　the　alarms　of　the　timid；　or　the

croakings　of　wealth　against　the　ascendency　of　the　people。　　If

experience　be　called　for；　appeal　to　that　of　our　fifteen　or　twenty

governments　for　forty　years；　and　show　me　where　the　people　have　done

half　the　mischief　in　these　forty　years；　that　a　single　despot　would

have　done　in　a　single　year；　or　show　half　the　riots　and　rebellions；

the　crimes　and　the　punishments；　which　have　taken　place　in　any　single

nation；　under　kingly　government；　during　the　same　period。　　The　true

foundation　of　republican　government　is　the　equal　right　of　every

citizen；　in　his　person　and　property；　and　in　their　management。　　Try　by

this；　as　a　tally；　every　provision　of　our　constitution；　and　see　if　it

hangs　directly　on　the　will　of　the　people。　　Reduce　your　legislature　to

a　convenient　number　for　full；　but　orderly　discussion。　　Let　every　man

who　fights　or　pays；　exercise　his　just　and　equal　right　in　their

election。　　Submit　them　to　approbation　or　rejection　at　short

intervals。　　Let　the　executive　be　chosen　in　the　same　way；　and　for　the

same　term；　by　those　whose　agent　he　is　to　be；　and　leave　no　screen　of　a

council　behind　which　to　skulk　from　responsibility。　　It　has　been

thought　that　the　people　are　not　competent　electors　of　judges　_learned

in　the　law_。　　But　I　do　not　know　that　this　is　true；　and；　if　doubtful；

we　should　follow　principle。　　In　this；　as　in　many　other　elections；

they　would　be　guided　by　reputation；　which　would　not　err　oftener；

perhaps；　than　the　present　mode　of　appointment。　　In　one　State　of　the

Union；　at　least；　it　has　long　been　tried；　and　with　the　most

satisfactory　success。　　The　judges　of　Connecticut　have　been　chosen　by

the　people　every　six　months；　for　nearly　two　centuries；　and　I　believe

there　has　hardly　ever　been　an　instance　of　change；　so　powerful　is　the

curb　of　incessant　responsibility。　　If　prejudice；　however；　derived

from　a　monarchical　institution；　is　still　to　prevail　against　the　vital

elective　principle　of　our　own；　and　if　the　existing　example　among

ourselves　of　periodical　election　of　judges　by　the　people　be　still

mistrusted；　let　us　at　least　not　adopt　the　evil；　and　reject　the　good；

of　the　English　precedent；　let　us　retain　amovability　on　the

concurrence　of　the　executive　and　legislative　branches；　and　nomination

by　the　executive　alone。　　Nomination　to　office　is　an　executive

function。　　To　give　it　to　the　legislature；　as　we　do；　is　a　violation　of

the　principle　of　the　separation　of　powers。　　It　swerves　the　members

from　correctness；　by　temptations　to　intrigue　for　office　themselves；

and　to　a　corrupt　barter　of　votes；　and　destroys　responsibility　by

dividing　it　among　a　multitude。　　By　leaving　nomination　in　its　proper

place；　among　executive　functions；　the　principle　of　the　distribution

of　power　is　preserved；　and　responsibility　weighs　with　its　heaviest

force　on　a　single　head。




　　　　　　　　The　organ