proposed roads to freedom(通往自由之路)-第17节
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with the reservation that such methods as the General Strike are not to be
regarded as substitutes for the violent revolution which most Anarchists
consider necessary。 Their attitude in this matter was defined at the
International Anarchist Congress held in Amsterdam in August； 1907。 This
Congress recommended ‘‘comrades of all countries to actively participate
in autonomous movements of the working class； and to develop in
Syndicalist organizations the ideas of revolt； individual initiative and
solidarity； which are the essence of Anarchism。'' Comrades were to
‘‘propagate and support only those forms and manifestations of direct
action which carry； in themselves； a revolutionary character and lead to the
transformation of society。'' It was resolved that ‘‘the Anarchists think that
the destruction of the capitalist and authoritary society can only be
realized by armed insurrection and violent expropriation； and that the use
of the more or less General Strike and the Syndicalist movement must not
make us forget the more direct means of struggle against the military force
of government。''
Syndicalists might retort that when the movement is strong enough to
win by armed insurrection it will be abundantly strong enough to win by
the General Strike。 In Labor movements generally； success through
violence can hardly be expected except in circumstances where success
without violence is attainable。 This argument alone； even if there were no
other； would be a very powerful reason against the methods advocated by
the Anarchist Congress。
Syndicalism stands for what is known as industrial unionism as
opposed to craft unionism。 In this respect； as also in the preference of
industrial to political methods； it is part of a movement which has spread
far beyond France。 The distinction between industrial and craft unionism
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is much dwelt on by Mr。 Cole。 Craft unionism ‘‘unites in a single
association those workers who are engaged on a single industrial process；
or on processes so nearly akin that any one can do another's work。'' But
‘‘organization may follow the lines； not of the work done； but of the actual
structure of industry。 All workers working at producing a particular kind of
commodity may be organized in a single Union。 。 。 。 The basis of
organization would be neither the craft to which a man belonged nor the
employer under whom he worked； but the service on which he was
engaged。 This is Industrial Unionism properly so called。＇28＇
＇28＇ ‘‘World of Labour；'' pp。 212； 213。
Industrial unionism is a product of America； and from America it has
to some extent spread to Great Britain。 It is the natural form of fighting
organization when the union is regarded as the means of carrying on the
class war with a view； not to obtaining this or that minor amelioration； but
to a radical revolution in the economic system。 This is the point of view
adopted by the ‘‘Industrial Workers of the World；'' commonly known as
the I。 W。 W。 This organization more or less corresponds in America to
what the C。 G。 T。 was in France before the war。 The differences between
the two are those due to the different economic circumstances of the two
countries； but their spirit is closely analogous。 The I。 W。 W。 is not united as
to the ultimate form which it wishes society to take。 There are Socialists；
Anarchists and Syndicalists among its members。 But it is clear on the
immediate practical issue； that the class war is the fundamental reality in
the present relations of labor and capital； and that it is by industrial action；
especially by the strike； that emancipation must be sought。 The I。 W。 W。；
like the C。 G。 T。； is not nearly so strong numerically as it is supposed to be
by those who fear it。 Its influence is based； not upon its numbers； but upon
its power of enlisting the sympathies of the workers in moments of crisis。
The labor movement in America has been characterized on both sides
by very great violence。 Indeed； the Secretary of the C。 G。 T。； Monsieur
Jouhaux； recognizes that the C。 G。 T。 is mild in comparison with the I。 W。
W。 ‘‘The I。 W。 W。；'' he says； ‘‘preach a policy of militant action； very
necessary in parts of America； which would not do in France。''＇29＇ A very
interesting account of it； from the point of view of an author who is neither
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wholly on the side of labor nor wholly on the side of the capitalist； but
disinterestedly anxious to find some solution of the social question short
of violence and revolution； is the work of Mr。 John Graham Brooks； called
‘‘American Syndicalism： the I。 W。 W。'' （Macmillan； 1913）。 American labor
conditions are very different from those of Europe。 In the first place； the
power of the trusts is enormous； the concentration of capital has in this
respect proceeded more nearly on Marxian lines in America than
anywhere else。 In the second place； the great influx of foreign labor makes
the whole problem quite different from any that arises in Europe。 The
older skilled workers； largely American born； have long been organized in
the American Federation of Labor under Mr。 Gompers。 These represent an
aristocracy of labor。 They tend to work with the employers against the
great mass of unskilled immigrants； and they cannot be regarded as
forming part of anything that could be truly called a labor movement。
‘‘There are；'' says Mr。 Cole； ‘‘now in America two working classes； with
different standards of life； and both are at present almost impotent in the
face of the employers。 Nor is it possible for these two classes to unite or to
put forward any demands。 。 。 。 The American Federation of Labor and the
Industrial Workers of the World represent two different principles of
combination； but they also represent two different classes of labor。''＇30＇
The I。 W。 W。 stands for industrial unionism； whereas the American
Federation of Labor stands for craft unionism。 The I。 W。 W。 were formed
in 1905 by a union of organizations； chief among which was the Western
Federation of Miners； which dated from 1892。 They suffered a split by the
loss of the followers of Deleon； who was the leader of the ‘‘Socialist
Labor Party'' and advocated a ‘‘Don't vote'' policy； while reprobating
violent methods。 The headquarters of the party which he formed are at
Detroit； and those of the main body are at Chicago。 The I。 W。 W。； though it
has a less definite philosophy than French Syndicalism； is quite equally
determined to destroy the capitalist system。 As its secretary has said：
‘‘There is but one bargain the I。 W。 W。 will make with the employing
class complete surrender of all control of industry to the organized
workers。''＇31＇ Mr。 Haywood； of the Western Federation of Miners； is an
out…and…out follower of Marx so far as concerns the class war and the
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doctrine of surplus value。 But； like all who are in this movement； he
attaches more importance to industrial as against political action than do
the European followers of Marx。 This is no doubt partly explicable by the
special circumstances of America； where the recent immigrants are apt to
be voteless。 The fourth convention of the I。 W。 W。 revised a preamble
giving the general principles underlying its action。 ‘‘The working class
and the employing class；'' they say； ‘‘have nothing in common。 There can
be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among millions of the
working people and the few； who make up the employing class； have all
the good things of life。 Between these two classes； a struggle must go on
until the workers of the
