proposed roads to freedom(通往自由之路)-第12节
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power of Germany as the greatest menace to liberty in the world。 He hated
the Germans with a bitter hatred； partly； no doubt； on account of Bismarck；
but probably still more on account of Marx。 To this day； Anarchism has
remained confined almost exclusively to the Latin countries； and has been
associated with； a hatred of Germany； growing out of the contests between
Marx and Bakunin in the International。
The final suppression of Bakunin's faction occurred at the General
Congress of the International at the Hague in 1872。 The meeting…place was
chosen by the General Council （in which Marx was unopposed）； with a
viewso Bakunin's friends contend to making access impossible for
Bakunin （on account of the hostility of the French and German
governments） and difficult for his friends。 Bakunin was expelled from the
International as the result of a report accusing him inter alia of theft
backed； up by intimidation。
The orthodoxy of the International was saved； but at the cost of its
vitality。 From this time onward； it ceased to be itself a power； but both
sections continued to work in their various groups； and the Socialist
groups in particular grew rapidly。 Ultimately a new International was
formed （1889） which continued down to the outbreak of the present war。
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As to the future of International Socialism it would be rash to prophesy；
though it would seem that the international idea has acquired sufficient
strength to need again； after the war； some such means of expression as it
found before in Socialist congresses。
By this time Bakunin's health was broken； and except for a few brief
intervals； he lived in retirement until his death in 1876。
Bakunin's life； unlike Marx's； was a very stormy one。 Every kind of
rebellion against authority always aroused his sympathy； and in his
support he never paid the slightest attention to personal risk。 His influence；
undoubtedly very great； arose chiefly through the influence of his
personality upon important individuals。 His writings differ from Marx's as
much as his life does； and in a similar way。 They are chaotic； largely；
aroused by some passing occasion； abstract and metaphysical； except
when they deal with current politics。 He does not come to close quarters
with economic facts； but dwells usually in the regions of theory and
metaphysics。 When he descends from these regions； he is much more at
the mercy of current international politics than Marx； much less imbued
with the consequences of the belief that it is economic causes that are
fundamental。 He praised Marx for enunciating this doctrine；＇15＇ but
nevertheless continued to think in terms of nations。 His longest work；
‘‘L'Empire Knouto…Germanique et la Revolution Sociale；'' is mainly
concerned with the situation in France during the later stages of the
Franco…Prussian War； and with the means of resisting German imperialism。
Most of his writing was done in a hurry in the interval between two
insurrections。 There is something of Anarchism in his lack of literary order。
His best…known work is a fragment entitled by its editors ‘‘God and the
State。''＇16＇
In this work he represents belief in God and belief in the State as the
two great obstacles to human liberty。 A typical passage will serve to
illustrate its style。
＇15＇ ‘‘Marx； as a thinker； is on the right road。 He has established as a
principle that all the evolutions； political； religious； and juridical； in
history are； not the causes； but the effects of economic evolutions。 This is
a great and fruitful thought； which he has not absolutely invented； it has
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been glimpsed； expressed in part； by many others besides him； but in any
case to him belongs the honor of having solidly established it and of
having enunciated it as the basis of his whole economic system。 （1870； ib。
ii。 p。 xiii。）
＇16＇ This title is not Bakunin's； but was invented by Cafiero and Elisee
Reclus； who edited it； not knowing that it was a fragment of what was
intended to he the second version of ‘‘L'Empire Knouto…Germanique'' （see
ib。 ii。 p 283）。
The State is not society； it is only an historical form of it； as brutal as it
is abstract。 It was born historically in all countries of the marriage of
violence； rapine； pillage； in a word； war and conquest； with the gods
successively created by the theological fantasy of nations。 It has been from
its origin； and it remains still at present； the divine sanction of brutal force
and triumphant inequality。
The State is authority； it is force； it is the ostentation and infatuation of
force： it does not insinuate itself； it does not seek to convert。 。 。 。 Even
when it commands what is good； it hinders and spoils it； just because it
commands it； and because every command provokes and excites the
legitimate revolts of liberty； and because the good； from the moment that
it is commanded； becomes evil from the point of view of true morality； of
human morality （doubtless not of divine）； from the point of view of human
respect and of liberty。 Liberty； morality； and the human dignity of man
consist precisely in this； that he does good； not because it is commanded；
but because he conceives it； wills it and loves it。
We do not find in Bakunin's works a clear picture of the society at
which he aimed； or any argument to prove that such a society could be
stable。 If we wish to understand Anarchism we must turn to his followers；
and especially to Kropotkinlike him； a Russian aristocrat familiar with
the prisons of Europe； and； like him； an Anarchist who； in spite of his
internationalism； is imbued with a fiery hatred of the Germans。
Kropotkin has devoted much of his writing to technical questions of
production。 In ‘‘Fields； Factories and Workshops'' and ‘‘The Conquest of
Bread'' he has set himself to prove that； if production were more scientific
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and better organized； a comparatively small amount of quite agreeable
work would suffice to keep the whole population in comfort。 Even
assuming； as we probably must； that he somewhat exaggerates what is
possible with our present scientific knowledge； it must nevertheless be
conceded that his contentions contain a very large measure of truth。 In
attacking the subject of production he has shown that he knows what is the
really crucial question。 If civilization and progress are to be compatible
with equality； it is necessary that equality should not involve long hours of
painful toil for little more than the necessaries of life； since； where there is
no leisure； art and science will die and all progress will become impossible。
The objection which some feel to Socialism and Anarchism alike on this
ground cannot be upheld in view of the possible productivity of labor。
The system at which Kropotkin aims； whether or not it be possible； is
certainly one which demands a very great improvement in the methods of
production above what is common at present。 He desires to abolish wholly
the system of wages； not only； as most Socialists do； in the sense that a
man is to be paid rather for his willingness to work than for the actual
work demanded of him； but in a more fundamental sense： there is to be no
obligation to work； and all things are to be shared in equal proportions
among the whole population。 Kropotkin relies upon the possibility of
making work pleasant： he holds that； in such a community as he
