the writings-3-第9节

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！



these　main　points；　to　be　sure；　are　their　thunderings　of　cannon；

their　marching　and　music；　their　fizzlegigs　and　fireworks；　but　I

will　not　waste　time　with　them。　　They　are　but　the　little　trappings

of　the　campaign。



Coming　to　the　substance；the　first　point；〃popular　sovereignty。〃

It　is　to　be　labeled　upon　the　cars　in　which　he　travels；　put　upon

the　hacks　he　rides　in；　to　be　flaunted　upon　the　arches　he　passes

under；　and　the　banners　which　wave　over　him。　　It　is　to　be　dished

up　in　as　many　varieties　as　a　French　cook　can　produce　soups　from

potatoes。　　Now；　as　this　is　so　great　a　staple　of　the　plan　of　the

campaign；　it　is　worth　while　to　examine　it　carefully；　and　if　we

examine　only　a　very　little；　and　do　not　allow　ourselves　to　be

misled；　we　shall　be　able　to　see　that　the　whole　thing　is　the　most

arrant　Quixotism　that　was　ever　enacted　before　a　community。　　What

is　the　matter　of　popular　sovereignty？　　The　first　thing；　in　order

to　understand　it；　is　to　get　a　good　definition　of　what　it　is；　and

after　that　to　see　how　it　is　applied。



I　suppose　almost　every　one　knows　that；　in　this　controversy；

whatever　has　been　said　has　had　reference　to　the　question　of　negro

slavery。　　We　have　not　been　in　a　controversy　about　the　right　of

the　people　to　govern　themselves　in　the　ordinary　matters　of

domestic　concern　in　the　States　and　Territories。　　Mr。　Buchanan；　in

one　of　his　late　messages　（I　think　when　he　sent　up　the　Lecompton

Constitution）　urged　that　the　main　point　to　which　the　public

attention　had　been　directed　was　not　in　regard　to　the　great

variety　of　small　domestic　matters；　but　was　directed　to　the

question　of　negro　slavery；　and　he　asserts　that　if　the　people　had

had　a　fair　chance　to　vote　on　that　question　there　was　no

reasonable　ground　of　objection　in　regard　to　minor　questions。

Now；　while　I　think　that　the　people　had　not　had　given；　or　offered；

them　a　fair　chance　upon　that　slavery　question；　still；　if　there

had　been　a　fair　submission　to　a　vote　upon　that　main　question；　the

President's　proposition　would　have　been　true　to　the　utmost。

Hence；　when　hereafter　I　speak　of　popular　sovereignty；　I　wish　to

be　understood　as　applying　what　I　say　to　the　question　of　slavery

only；　not　to　other　minor　domestic　matters　of　a　Territory　or　a

State。



Does　Judge　Douglas；　when　he　says　that　several　of　the　past　years

of　his　life　have　been　devoted　to　the　question　of　〃popular

sovereignty；〃　and　that　all　the　remainder　of　his　life　shall　be

devoted　to　it；　does　he　mean　to　say　that　he　has　been　devoting　his

life　to　securing　to　the　people　of　the　Territories　the　right　to

exclude　slavery　from　the　Territories？　　If　he　means　so　to　say　he

means　to　deceive；　because　he　and　every　one　knows　that　the

decision　of　the　Supreme　Court；　which　he　approves　and　makes

especial　ground　of　attack　upon　me　for　disapproving；　forbids　the

people　of　a　Territory　to　exclude　slavery。　　This　covers　the　whole

ground；　from　the　settlement　of　a　Territory　till　it　reaches　the

degree　of　maturity　entitling　it　to　form　a　State　Constitution。　　So

far　as　all　that　ground　is　concerned；　the　Judge　is　not　sustaining

popular　sovereignty；　but　absolutely　opposing　it。　　He　sustains　the

decision　which　declares　that　the　popular　will　of　the　Territory

has　no　constitutional　power　to　exclude　slavery　during　their

territorial　existence。　　This　being　so；　the　period　of　time　from

the　first　settlement　of　a　Territory　till　it　reaches　the　point　of

forming　a　State　Constitution　is　not　the　thing　that　the　Judge　has

fought　for　or　is　fighting　for；　but；　on　the　contrary；　he　has

fought　for；　and　is　fighting　for；　the　thing　that　annihilates　and

crushes　out　that　same　popular　sovereignty。



Well；　so　much　being　disposed　of；　what　is　left？　　Why；　he　is

contending　for　the　right　of　the　people；　when　they　come　to　make　a

State　Constitution；　to　make　it　for　themselves；　and　precisely　as

best　suits　themselves。　　I　say　again；　that　is　quixotic。　　I　defy

contradiction　when　I　declare　that　the　Judge　can　find　no　one　to

oppose　him　on　that　proposition。　　I　repeat；　there　is　nobody

opposing　that　proposition　on　principle。　　Let　me　not　be

misunderstood。　　I　know　that；　with　reference　to　the　Lecompton

Constitution；　I　may　be　misunderstood；　but　when　you　understand　me

correctly；　my　proposition　will　be　true　and　accurate。　　Nobody　is

opposing；　or　has　opposed；　the　right　of　the　people；　when　they　form

a　constitution；　to　form　it　for　themselves。　　Mr。　Buchanan　and　his

friends　have　not　done　it；　they；　too；　as　well　as　the　Republicans

and　the　Anti…Lecompton　Democrats；　have　not　done　it；　but　on　the

contrary；　they　together　have　insisted　on　the　right　of　the　people

to　form　a　constitution　for　themselves。　　The　difference　between

the　Buchanan　men　on　the　one　hand；　and　the　Douglas　men　and　the

Republicans　on　the　other；　has　not　been　on　a　question　of

principle；　but　on　a　question　of　fact。



The　dispute　was　upon　the　question　of　fact；　whether　the　Lecompton

Constitution　had　been　fairly　formed　by　the　people　or　not。　　Mr。

Buchanan　and　his　friends　have　not　contended　for　the　contrary

principle　any　more　than　the　Douglas　men　or　the　Republicans。　　They

have　insisted　that　whatever　of　small　irregularities　existed　in

getting　up　the　Lecompton　Constitution　were　such　as　happen　in　the

settlement　of　all　new　Territories。　　The　question　was；　Was　it　a

fair　emanation　of　the　people？　　It　was　a　question　of　fact；　and　not

of　principle。　　As　to　the　principle；　all　were　agreed。　　Judge

Douglas　voted　with　the　Republicans　upon　that　matter　of　fact。



He　and　they；　by　their　voices　and　votes；　denied　that　it　was　a　fair

emanation　of　the　people。　　The　Administration　affirmed　that　it

was。　　With　respect　to　the　evidence　bearing　upon　that　question　of

fact；　I　readily　agree　that　Judge　Douglas　and　the　Republicans　had

the　right　on　their　side；　and　that　the　Administration　was　wrong。

But　I　state　again　that；　as　a　matter　of　principle；　there　is　no

dispute　upon　the　right　of　a　people　in　a　Territory；　merging　into　a

State；　to　form　a　constitution　for　themselves　without　outside

interference　from　any　quarter。　　This　being　so；　what　is　Judge

Douglas　going　to　spend　his　life　for？　　Is　he　going　to　spend　his

life　in　maintaining　a　principle　that　nobody　on　earth　opposes？

Does　he　expect　to　stand　up　in　majestic　dignity；　and　go　through

his　apotheosis　and　become　a　god　in　the　maintaining　of　a　principle

which　neither　man　nor　mouse　in　all　God's　creation　is　opposing？

Now　something　in　regard　to　the　Lecompton　Constitution　more

specially；　for　I　pass　from　this　other　question　of　popular

sovereignty　as　the　most　arrant　humbug　that　has　ever　been

attempted　on　an　intelligent　community。



As　to　the　Lecompton　Constitution；　I　have　already　said　that　on　the

question　of　fact；　as　to　whether　it　was　a　fair　emanation　of　the

people　or　not；　Judge　Douglas；　with　the　Republicans　and　some

Americans；　had　greatly　the　argument　against　the　Administration；

and　while　I　repeat　this；　I　wish　to　know　what　there　is　in　the

opposition　of　Judge　Douglas　to　the　Lecompton　Constitution　that

entitles　him　to　be　considered　the　only　opponent　to　it；as　being

par　excellence　the　very　quintessence　of　that　opposition。　　I　agree

to　the　rightfulness　of　his　opposition。　　He　in　the　Senate　and　his

class　of　men　there　formed　the　number　three　and　no　more。　　In　the

House　of　Representatives　his　class　of　menthe　Anti…Lecompton

Democratsformed　a　number　of　about　twenty。　　It　took　one　hundred

and　twenty　to　defeat　the　measure；　against　one　hundred　and　twelve。

Of　the　votes　of　that　one　hundred　and　twenty；　Judge　Douglas's

friends　furnished　twenty；　to　add　to　which　there　were　six

Americans　and　ninety…four　Republicans。　　I　do　not　say　that　I　am

precisely　accurate　in　their　numbers；　but　I　am　sufficiently　so　for

any　use　I　am　making　of　it。



Why　is　it　that　twenty　shall　be　entitled　to　all　the　credit　of

doing　that　work；　and　the　hundred　none　of　it？　　Why；　if；　as　Judge

Douglas　says；　the　honor　is　to　be　divided　and　due　credit　is　to　be

given　to　other　parties；　why　is　just　so　much　given　as　is　consonant

with　the　wishes；　the　interests；　and　advancement　of　the　twenty？

My　understanding　is；　when　a　common　job　is　done；　or　a　common

enterprise　prosecuted；　if　I　put　in　five　dollars　to　your　one；　I

have　a　right　to　take　out　five　dollars　to　your　one。　　But　he　does

not　so　understand　it。　　He　declares　the　dividend　of　credit　for

defeating　Lecompton　upon　a　basis　which　seems　unprecedented　and

incomprehensible。



Let　us　see。　　Lecompton　in　the　raw　was　defeated。　　It　afterward

took　a　sort　of　cooked…up　shape；　and　was　passed　in　the　English

bill。　　It　is　said　by　the　Judge　that　the　defeat　was　a　good　and

proper　thing。　　If　it　was　a　good　thing；　why　is　he　entitled　to　more

credit　than　others　for　the　performance　of　that　good　act；　unless

there　was　something　in　the　antecedents　of　the　Republicans　that

might　induce　every　one　to　expect　them　to　join　in　that　good　work；

and　at　the　same　time　something　leading　them　to　doubt　that　he

would？　　Does　he　place　his　superior　claim　to　credit　on　the　ground

that　he　performed　a　good　act　which　was　never　expected　of　him？　　H