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I have argued and said that for men who did; intend that the

people of the Territory should have the right to exclude slavery

absolutely and unconditionally; the voting down of Chase's

amendment is wholly inexplicable。  It is a puzzle; a riddle。  But

I have said; that with men who did look forward to such a

decision; or who had it in contemplation that such a decision of

the Supreme Court would or might be made; the voting down of that

amendment would be perfectly rational and intelligible。  It would

keep Congress from coming in collision with the decision when it

was made。  Anybody can conceive that if there was an intention or

expectation that such a decision was to follow; it would not be a

very desirable party attitude to get into for the Supreme Court

all or nearly all its members belonging to the same partyto

decide one way; when the party in Congress had decided the other

way。  Hence it would be very rational for men expecting such a

decision to keep the niche in that law clear for it。  After

pointing this out; I tell Judge Douglas that it looks to me as

though here was the reason why Chase's amendment was voted down。

I tell him that; as he did it; and knows why he did it; if it was

done for a reason different from this; he knows what that reason

was and can tell us what it was。  I tell him; also; it will be

vastly more satisfactory to the country for him to give some

other plausible; intelligible reason why it was voted down than

to stand upon his dignity and call people liars。  Well; on

Saturday he did make his answer; and what do you think it was?

He says if I had only taken upon myself to tell the whole truth

about that amendment of Chase's; no explanation would have been

necessary on his part or words to that effect。  Now; I say here

that I am quite unconscious of having suppressed anything

material to the case; and I am very frank to admit if there is

any sound reason other than that which appeared to me material;

it is quite fair for him to present it。  What reason does he

propose?  That when Chase came forward with his amendment

expressly authorizing the people to exclude slavery from the

limits of every Territory; General Cass proposed to Chase; if he

(Chase) would add to his amendment that the people should have

the power to introduce or exclude; they would let it go。  This is

substantially all of his reply。  And because Chase would not do

that; they voted his amendment down。  Well; it turns out; I

believe; upon examination; that General Cass took some part in

the little running debate upon that amendment; and then ran away

and did not vote on it at all。  Is not that the fact?  So

confident; as I think; was General Cass that there was a snake

somewhere about; he chose to run away from the whole thing。  This

is an inference I draw from the fact that; though he took part in

the debate; his name does not appear in the ayes and noes。  But

does Judge Douglas's reply amount to a satisfactory answer?



'Cries of 〃Yes; 〃Yes;〃 and 〃No;〃 〃No。〃'



There is some little difference of opinion here。  But I ask

attention to a few more views bearing on the question of whether

it amounts to a satisfactory answer。  The men who were determined

that that amendment should not get into the bill; and spoil the

place where the Dred Scott decision was to come in; sought an

excuse to get rid of it somewhere。  One of these waysone of

these excuseswas to ask Chase to add to his proposed amendment

a provision that the people might introduce slavery if they

wanted to。  They very well knew Chase would do no such thing;

that Mr。 Chase was one of the men differing from them on the

broad principle of his insisting that freedom was better than

slavery;a man who would not consent to enact a law; penned with

his own hand; by which he was made to recognize slavery on the

one hand; and liberty on the other; as precisely equal; and when

they insisted on his doing this; they very well knew they

insisted on that which he would not for a moment think of doing;

and that they were only bluffing him。  I believe (I have not;

since he made his answer; had a chance to examine the journals or

Congressional Globe and therefore speak from memory)I believe

the state of the bill at that time; according to parliamentary

rules; was such that no member could propose an additional

amendment to Chase's amendment。  I rather think this is the

truth;the Judge shakes his head。  Very well。  I would like to

know; then; if they wanted Chase's amendment fixed over; why

somebody else could not have offered to do it?  If they wanted it

amended; why did they not offer the amendment?  Why did they not

put it in themselves?   But to put it on the other ground:

suppose that there was such an amendment offered; and Chase's was

an amendment to an amendment; until one is disposed of by

parliamentary law; you cannot pile another on。  Then all these

gentlemen had to do was to vote Chase's on; and then; in the

amended form in which the whole stood; add their own amendment to

it; if they wanted to put it in that shape。  This was all they

were obliged to do; and the ayes and noes show that there were

thirty…six who voted it down; against ten who voted in favor of

it。  The thirty…six held entire sway and control。  They could in

some form or other have put that bill in the exact shape they

wanted。  If there was a rule preventing their amending it at the

time; they could pass that; and then; Chase's amendment being

merged; put it in the shape they wanted。  They did not choose to

do so; but they went into a quibble with Chase to get him to add

what they knew he would not add; and because he would not; they

stand upon the flimsy pretext for voting down what they argued

was the meaning and intent of their own bill。  They left room

thereby for this Dred Scott decision; which goes very far to make

slavery national throughout the United States。



I pass one or two points I have; because my time will very soon

expire; but I must be allowed to say that Judge Douglas recurs

again; as he did upon one or two other occasions; to the enormity

of Lincoln; an insignificant individual like Lincoln;upon his

ipse dixit charging a conspiracy upon a large number of members

of Congress; the Supreme Court; and two Presidents; to

nationalize slavery。  I want to say that; in the first place; I

have made no charge of this sort upon my ipse dixit。  I have only

arrayed the evidence tending to prove it; and presented it to the

understanding of others; saying what I think it proves; but

giving you the means of judging whether it proves it or not。

This is precisely what I have done。  I have not placed it upon my

ipse dixit at all。  On this occasion; I wish to recall his

attention to a piece of evidence which I brought forward at

Ottawa on Saturday; showing that he had made substantially the

same charge against substantially the same persons; excluding his

dear self from the category。  I ask him to give some attention to

the evidence which I brought forward that he himself had

discovered a 〃fatal blow being struck〃 against the right of the

people to exclude slavery from their limits; which fatal blow he

assumed as in evidence in an article in the Washington Union;

published 〃by authority。〃  I ask by whose authority?  He

discovers a similar or identical provision in the Lecompton

Constitution。  Made by whom?  The framers of that Constitution。

Advocated by whom?  By all the members of the party in the

nation; who advocated the introduction of Kansas into the Union

under the Lecompton Constitution。  I have asked his attention to

the evidence that he arrayed to prove that such a fatal blow was

being struck; and to the facts which he brought forward in

support of that charge;being identical with the one which he

thinks so villainous in me。  He pointed it; not at a newspaper

editor merely; but at the President and his Cabinet and the

members of Congress advocating the Lecompton Constitution and

those framing that instrument。  I must again be permitted to

remind him that although my ipse dixit may not be as great as

his; yet it somewhat reduces the force of his calling my

attention to the enormity of my making a like charge against him。



Go on; Judge Douglas。









Mr。 LINCOLN'S REJOINDER。



MY FRIENDS:It will readily occur to you that I cannot; in half

an hour; notice all the things that so able a man as Judge

Douglas can say in an hour and a half; and I hope; therefore; if

there be anything that he has said upon which you would like to

hear something from me; but which I omit to comment upon; you

will bear in mind that it would be expecting an impossibility for

me to go over his whole ground。  I can but take up some of the

points that he has dwelt upon; and employ my half…hour specially

on them。



The first thing I have to say to you is a word in regard to Judge

Douglas's declaration about the 〃

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