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putting it there; Judge Douglas; in a good…humored way; without

calling anybody a liar; can tell what the reason was。



When the Judge spoke at Clinton; he came very near making a

charge of falsehood against me。  He used; as I found it printed

in a newspaper; which; I remember; was very nearly like the real

speech; the following language:



〃I did not answer the charge 'of conspiracy' before; for the

reason that I did not suppose there was a man in America with a

heart so corrupt as to believe such a charge could be true。  I

have too much respect for Mr。 Lincoln to suppose he is serious in

making the charge。〃



I confess this is rather a curious view; that out of respect for

me he should consider I was making what I deemed rather a grave

charge in fun。  I confess it strikes me rather strangely。  But I

let it pass。  As the Judge did not for a moment believe that

there was a man in America whose heart was so 〃corrupt〃 as to

make such a charge; and as he places me among the 〃men in

America〃 who have hearts base enough to make such a charge; I

hope he will excuse me if I hunt out another charge very like

this; and if it should turn out that in hunting I should find

that other; and it should turn out to be Judge Douglas himself

who made it; I hope he will reconsider this question of the deep

corruption of heart he has thought fit to ascribe to me。  In

Judge Douglas's speech of March 22; 1858; which I hold in my

hand; he says:



〃In this connection there is another topic to which I desire to

allude。  I seldom refer to the course of newspapers; or notice

the articles which they publish in regard to myself; but the

course of the Washington Union has been so extraordinary for the

last two or three months; that I think it well enough to make

some allusion to it。  It has read me out of the Democratic party

every other day; at least for two or three months; and keeps

reading me out; and; as if it had not succeeded; still continues

to read me out; using such terms as 'traitor;' 'renegade;'

'deserter;' and other kind and polite epithets of that nature。

Sir; I have no vindication to make of my Democracy against the

Washington Union; or any other newspapers。  I am willing to allow

my history and action for the last twenty years to speak for

themselves as to my political principles and my fidelity to

political obligations。  The Washington Union has a personal

grievance。  When its editor was nominated for public printer; I

declined to vote for him; and stated that at some time I might

give my reasons for doing so。  Since I declined to give that

vote; this scurrilous abuse; these vindictive and constant

attacks have been repeated almost daily on me。  Will any friend

from Michigan read the article to which I allude?〃



This is a part of the speech。  You must excuse me from reading

the entire article of the Washington Union; as Mr。 Stuart read it

for Mr。 Douglas。  The Judge goes on and sums up; as I think;

correctly:



〃Mr。 President; you here find several distinct propositions

advanced boldly by the Washington Union editorially; and

apparently authoritatively; and any man who questions any of them

is denounced as an Abolitionist; a Free…soiler; a fanatic。  The

propositions are; first; that the primary object of all

government at its original institution is the protection of

person and property; second; that the Constitution of the United

States declares that the citizens of each State shall be entitled

to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several

States; and that; therefore; thirdly; all State laws; whether

organic or otherwise; which prohibit the citizens of one State

from settling in another with their slave property; and

especially declaring it forfeited; are direct violations of the

original intention of the government and Constitution of the

United States; and; fourth; that the emancipation of the slaves

of the Northern States was a gross outrage of the rights of

property; inasmuch as it was involuntarily done on the part of

the owner。



〃Remember that this article was published in the Union on the

17th of November; and on the 18th appeared the first article

giving the adhesion of the Union; to the Lecompton Constitution。

It was in these words:



〃KANSAS AND HER CONSTITUTION。The vexed question is settled。

The problem is saved。  The dead point of danger is passed。  All

serious trouble to Kansas affairs is over and gone 。。。〃



And a column nearly of the same sort。  Then; when you come to

look into the Lecompton Constitution; you find the same doctrine

incorporated in it which was put forth editorially in the Union。

What is it?



〃ARTICLE 7; Section I。  The right of property is before and

higher than any constitutional sanction; and the right of the

owner of a slave to such slave and its increase is the same and

as inviolable as the right of the owner of any property

whatever。〃



Then in the schedule is a provision that the Constitution may be

amended after 1864 by a two…thirds vote:



〃But no alteration shall be made to affect the right of property

in the ownership of slaves。〃



〃It will be seen by these clauses in the Lecompton Constitution

that they are identical in spirit with the authoritative article

in the Washington Union of the day previous to its indorsement of

this Constitution。〃



I pass over some portions of the speech; and I hope that any one

who feels interested in this matter will read the entire section

of the speech; and see whether I do the Judge injustice。  He

proceeds:



〃When I saw that article in the Union of the 17th of November;

followed by the glorification of the Lecompton Constitution on

the 10th of November; and this clause in the Constitution

asserting the doctrine that a State has no right to prohibit

slavery within its limits; I saw that there was a fatal blow

being struck at the sovereignty of the States of this Union。〃



I stop the quotation there; again requesting that it may all be

read。  I have read all of the portion I desire to comment upon。

What is this charge that the Judge thinks I must have a very

corrupt heart to make?  It was a purpose on the part of certain

high functionaries to make it impossible for the people of one

State to prohibit the people of any other State from entering it

with their 〃property;〃 so called; and making it a slave State。

In other words; it was a charge implying a design to make the

institution of slavery national。  And now I ask your attention to

what Judge Douglas has himself done here。  I know he made that

part of the speech as a reason why he had refused to vote for a

certain man for public printer; but when we get at it; the charge

itself is the very one I made against him; that he thinks I am so

corrupt for uttering。  Now; whom does he make that charge

against?  Does he make it against that newspaper editor merely?

No; he says it is identical in spirit with the Lecompton

Constitution; and so the framers of that Constitution are brought

in with the editor of the newspaper in that 〃fatal blow being

struck。〃  He did not call it a 〃conspiracy。〃  In his language; it

is a 〃fatal blow being struck。〃  And if the words carry the

meaning better when changed from a 〃conspiracy〃 into a 〃fatal

blow being struck; 〃I will change my expression; and call it

〃fatal blow being struck。〃  We see the charge made not merely

against the editor of the Union; but all the framers of the

Lecompton Constitution; and not only so; but the article was an

authoritative article。  By whose authority?  Is there any

question but he means it was by the authority of the President

and his Cabinet;the Administration?



Is there any sort of question but he means to make that charge?

Then there are the editors of the Union; the framers of the

Lecompton Constitution; the President of the United States and

his Cabinet; and all the supporters of the Lecompton

Constitution; in Congress and out of Congress; who are all

involved in this 〃fatal blow being struck。〃  I commend to Judge

Douglas's consideration the question of how corrupt a man's heart

must be to make such a charge!



Now; my friends; I have but one branch of the subject; in the

little time I have left; to which to call your attention; and as

I shall come to a close at the end of that branch; it is probable

that I shall not occupy quite all the time allotted to me。

Although on these questions I would like to talk twice as long as

I have; I could not enter upon another head and discuss it

properly without running over my time。  I ask the attention of

the people here assembled and elsewhere to the course that Judge

Douglas is pursuing every day as bearing upon this question of

making slavery national。  Not going back to the records; but

taking the speeches he makes; the speeches he made yesterday and

day before; and makes constantly all over the country; I ask your

attentio

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