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become one thing or all the other; I am in favor of bringing

about a dead uniformity in the various States; in all their

institutions; he argues erroneously。  The great variety of the

local institutions in the States; springing from differences in

the soil; differences in the face of the country; and in the

climate; are bonds of Union。  They do not make 〃a house divided

against itself;〃 but they make a house united。  If they produce

in one section of the country what is called for; by the wants of

another section; and this other section can supply the wants of

the first; they are not matters of discord; but bonds of union;

true bonds of union。  But can this question of slavery be

considered as among these varieties in the institutions of the

country?  I leave it to you to say whether; in the history of our

government; this institution of slavery has not always failed to

be a bond of union; and; on the contrary; been an apple of

discord and an element of division in the house。  I ask you to

consider whether; so long as the moral constitution of men's

minds shall continue to be the same; after this generation and

assemblage shall sink into the grave; and another race shall

arise; with the same moral and intellectual development we have;

whether; if that institution is standing in the same irritating

position in which it now is; it will not continue an element of

division?  If so; then I have a right to say that; in regard to

this question; the Union is a house divided against itself; and

when the Judge reminds me that I have often said to him that the

institution of slavery has existed for eighty years in some

States; and yet it does not exist in some others; I agree to the

fact; and I account for it by looking at the position in which

our fathers originally placed itrestricting it from the new

Territories where it had not gone; and legislating to cut off its

source by the abrogation of the slave trade; thus putting the

seal of legislation against its spread。  The public mind did rest

in the belief that it was in the course of ultimate extinction。

But lately; I thinkand in this I charge nothing on the Judge's

motiveslately; I think that he; and those acting with him; have

placed that institution on a new basis; which looks to the

perpetuity and nationalization of slavery。  And while it is

placed upon this new basis; I say; and I have said; that I

believe we shall not have peace upon the question until the

opponents of slavery arrest the further spread of it; and place

it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in

the course of ultimate extinction; or; on the other hand; that

its advocates will push it forward until it shall become alike

lawful in all the States; old as well as new; North as well as

South。  Now; I believe if we could arrest the spread; and place

it where Washington and Jefferson and Madison placed it; it would

be in the course of ultimate extinction; and the public mind

would; as for eighty years past; believe that it was in the

course of ultimate extinction。  The crisis would be past; and the

institution might be let alone for a hundred years; if it should

live so long; in the States where it exists; yet it would be

going out of existence in the way best for both the black and the

white races。



'A voice: 〃Then do you repudiate popular sovereignty?〃'



Well; then; let us talk about popular sovereignty!  what is

popular sovereignty?  Is it the right of the people to have

slavery or not have it; as they see fit; in the Territories?  I

will stateand I have an able man to watch memy understanding

is that popular sovereignty; as now applied to the question of

slavery; does allow the people of a Territory to have slavery if

they want to; but does not allow them not to have it if they do

not want it。  I do not mean that if this vast concourse of people

were in a Territory of the United States; any one of them would

be obliged to have a slave if he did not want one; but I do say

that; as I understand the Dred Scott decision; if any one man

wants slaves; all the rest have no way of keeping that one man

from holding them。



When I made my speech at Springfield; of which the Judge

complains; and from which he quotes; I really was not thinking of

the things which he ascribes to me at all。  I had no thought in

the world that I was doing anything to bring about a war between

the free and slave states。  I had no thought in the world that I

was doing anything to bring about a political and social equality

of the black and white races。  It never occurred to me that I was

doing anything or favoring anything to reduce to a dead

uniformity all the local institutions of the various States。  But

I must say; in all fairness to him; if he thinks I am doing

something which leads to these bad results; it is none the better

that I did not mean it。  It is just as fatal to the country; if I

have any influence in producing it; whether I intend it or not。

But can it be true that placing this institution upon the

original basisthe basis upon which our fathers placed itcan

have any tendency to set the Northern and the Southern States at

war with one another; or that it can have any tendency to make

the people of Vermont raise sugar…cane; because they raise it in

Louisiana; or that it can compel the people of Illinois to cut

pine logs on the Grand Prairie; where they will not grow; because

they cut pine logs in Maine; where they do grow?  The Judge says

this is a new principle started in regard to this question。  Does

the Judge claim that he is working on the plan of the founders of

government?  I think he says in some of his speeches indeed; I

have one here nowthat he saw evidence of a policy to allow

slavery to be south of a certain line; while north of it it

should be excluded; and he saw an indisposition on the part of

the country to stand upon that policy; and therefore he set about

studying the subject upon original principles; and upon original

principles he got up the Nebraska Bill!  I am fighting it upon

these 〃original principles; fighting it in the Jeffersonian;

Washingtonian; and Madisonian fashion。



Now; my friends; I wish you to attend for a little while to one

or two other things in that Springfield speech。  My main object

was to show; so far as my humble ability was capable of showing;

to the people of this country what I believed was the truth;

that there was a tendency; if not a conspiracy; among those who

have engineered this slavery question for the last four or five

years; to make slavery perpetual and universal in this nation。

Having made that speech principally for that object; after

arranging the evidences that I thought tended to prove my

proposition; I concluded with this bit of comment:



〃We cannot absolutely know that these exact adaptations are the

result of preconcert; but when we see a lot of framed timbers;

different portions of which we know have been gotten out at

different times and places; and by different workmenStephen;

Franklin; Roger; and James; for instance;and when we see these

timbers joined together; and see they exactly make the frame of a

house or a mill; all the tenons and mortises exactly fitting; and

all the lengths and proportions of the different pieces exactly

adapted to their respective places; and not a piece too many or

too few;not omitting even the scaffolding;or if a single

piece be lacking; we see the place in the frame exactly fitted

and prepared yet to bring such piece in;in such a case we feel

it impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and Roger

and James all understood one another from the beginning; and all

worked upon a common plan or draft drawn before the first blow

was struck。〃



When my friend Judge Douglas came to Chicago on the 9th of July;

this speech having been delivered on the 16th of June; he made an

harangue there; in which he took hold of this speech of mine;

showing that he had carefully read it; and while he paid no

attention to this matter at all; but complimented me as being a

〃kind; amiable; and intelligent gentleman;〃 notwithstanding I had

said this; he goes on and eliminates; or draws out; from my

speech this tendency of mine to set the States at war with one

another; to make all the institutions uniform; and set the

niggers and white people to marrying together。  Then; as the

Judge had complimented me with these pleasant titles (I must

confess to my weakness); I was a little 〃taken;〃 for it came from

a great man。  I was not very much accustomed to flattery; and it

came the sweeter to me。  I was rather like the Hoosier; with the

gingerbread; when he said he reckoned he loved it better than any

other man; and got less of it。  As the Judge had so flattered me;

I could not make up my mind that he meant to deal unfairly with

me; so I went to work to show him that he misunderstood the whole

scope of my speech; and

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