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hands　have　earned；　he　is　the　equal　of　every　other　man；　white　or

black。　　In　pointing　out　that　more　has　been　given　you；　you　cannot

be　justified　in　taking　away　the　little　which　has　been　given　him。

All　I　ask　for　the　negro　is　that　if　you　do　not　like　him；　let　him

alone。　　If　God　gave　him　but　little；　that　little　let　him　enjoy。



When　our　government　was　established　we　had　the　institution　of

slavery　among　us。　　We　were　in　a　certain　sense　compelled　to

tolerate　its　existence。　　It　was　a　sort　of　necessity。　　We　had　gone

through　our　struggle　and　secured　our　own　independence。　　The

framers　of　the　Constitution　found　the　institution　of　slavery

amongst　their　own　institutions　at　the　time。　　They　found　that　by

an　effort　to　eradicate　it　they　might　lose　much　of　what　they　had

already　gained。　　They　were　obliged　to　bow　to　the　necessity。　　They

gave　power　to　Congress　to　abolish　the　slave　trade　at　the　end　of

twenty　years。　　They　also　prohibited　it　in　the　Territories　where

it　did　not　exist。　　They　did　what　they　could；　and　yielded　to　the

necessity　for　the　rest。　　I　also　yield　to　all　which　follows　from

that　necessity。　　What　I　would　most　desire　would　be　the　separation

of　the　white　and　black　races。



One　more　point　on　this　Springfield　speech　which　Judge　Douglas

says　he　has　read　so　carefully。　　I　expressed　my　belief　in　the

existence　of　a　conspiracy　to　perpetuate　and　nationalize　slavery。

I　did　not　profess　to　know　it；　nor　do　I　now。　　I　showed　the　part

Judge　Douglas　had　played　in　the　string　of　facts　constituting　to

my　mind　the　proof　of　that　conspiracy。　　I　showed　the　parts　played

by　others。



I　charged　that　the　people　had　been　deceived　into　carrying　the

last　Presidential　election；　by　the　impression　that　the　people　of

the　Territories　might　exclude　slavery　if　they　chose；　when　it　was

known　in　advance　by　the　conspirators　that　the　court　was　to　decide

that　neither　Congress　nor　the　people　could　so　exclude　slavery。

These　charges　are　more　distinctly　made　than　anything　else　in　the

speech。



Judge　Douglas　has　carefully　read　and　reread　that　speech。　　He　has

not；　so　far　as　I　know；　contradicted　those　charges。　　In　the　two

speeches　which　I　heard　he　certainly　did　not。　　On　this　own　tacit

admission；　I　renew　that　charge。　　I　charge　him　with　having　been　a

party　to　that　conspiracy　and　to　that　deception　for　the　sole

purpose　of　nationalizing　slavery。









CORRESPONDENCE　BETWEEN　LINCOLN　AND　DOUGLAS



＇The　following　is　the　correspondence　between　the　two　rival

candidates　for　the　United　States　Senate＇



MR。　LINCOLN　TO　MR。　DOUGLAS。



CHICAGO；　ILL。；　July　24；　1558。



HON。　S。　　A。　　DOUGLAS：



My　dear　Sir；Will　it　be　agreeable　to　you　to　make　an　arrangement

for　you　and　myself　to　divide　time；　and　address　the　same　audiences

the　present　canvass？　　Mr。　Judd；　who　will　hand　you　this；　is

authorized　to　receive　your　answer；　and；　if　agreeable　to　you；　to

enter　into　the　terms　of　such　arrangement。



Your　obedient　servant；



A。　LINCOLN。









Mr。　DOUGLAS　TO　Mr。　LINCOLN。



BEMENT；　　PIATT　Co。；　ILL。；　July　30；　1858。



Dear　Sir；Your　letter　dated　yesterday；　accepting　my　proposition

for　a　joint　discussion　at　one　prominent　point　in　each

Congressional　District；　as　stated　in　my　previous　letter；　was

received　this　morning。



The　times　and　places　designated　are　as　follows：



Ottawa；　La　Salle　County　　　　　August　　　　21st；　1858。

Freeport；　Stephenson　County　　　〃　　　　　　　27th；

Jonesboro；　Union　County；　September　15th；

Charleston；　Coles　County　　　　　　〃　　　　18th；

Galesburgh；　Knox　County　October　7th；

Quincy；　Adams　County　　　　　　　　〃　　13th；

Alton；　Madison　County　　　　　　　〃　　15th；



I　agree　to　your　suggestion　that　we　shall　alternately　open　and

close　the　discussion。　　I　will　speak　at　Ottawa　one　hour；　you　can

reply；　occupying　an　hour　and　a　half；　and　I　will　then　follow　for

half　an　hour。　　At　Freeport；　you　shall　open　the　discussion　and

speak　one　hour；　I　will　follow　for　an　hour　and　a　half；　and　you　can

then　reply　for　half　an　hour。　　We　will　alternate　in　like　manner　in

each　successive　place。



Very　respectfully；　your　obedient　servant；



S。　　A。　　DOUGLAS。









Mr。　LINCOLN　TO　Mr。　DOUGLAS。



SPRINGFIELD；　July　31；　1858。



HON。　S。　　A。　　DOUGLAS：



Dear　Sir；Yours　of　yesterday；　naming　places；　times；　and　terms

for　joint　discussions　between　us；　was　received　this　morning。

Although；　by　the　terms；　as　you　propose；　you　take　four　openings

and　closes；　to　my　three；　I　accede；　and　thus　close　the

arrangement。　　I　direct　this　to　you　at　Hillsborough；　and　shall　try

to　have　both　your　letter　and　this　appear　in　the　Journal　and

Register　of　Monday　morning。



Your　obedient　servant；



A。　LINCOLN。









FIRST　JOINT　DEBATE；　AT　OTTAWA；



AUGUST　21；　1858



Mr。　LINCOLN'S　REPLY



MY　FELLOW…CITIZENS：When　a　man　hears　himself　somewhat

misrepresented；　it　provokes　him；　at　least；　I　find　it　so　with

myself；　but　when　misrepresentation　becomes　very　gross　and

palpable；　it　is　more　apt　to　amuse　him。　　The　first　thing　I　see　fit

to　notice　is　the　fact　that　Judge　Douglas　alleges；　after　running

through　the　history　of　the　old　Democratic　and　the　old　Whig

parties；　that　Judge　Trumbull　and　myself　made　an　arrangement　in

1854；　by　which　I　was　to　have　the　place　of　General　Shields　in　the

United　States　Senate；　and　Judge　Trumbull　was　to　have　the　place　of

Judge　Douglas。　　Now；　all　I　have　to　say　upon　that　subject　is　that

I　think　no　man　not　even　Judge　Douglas　can　prove　it；　because　it　is

not　true。　　I　have　no　doubt　he　is　〃conscientious〃　in　saying　it。

As　to　those　resolutions　that　he　took　such　a　length　of　time　to

read；　as　being　the　platform　of　the　Republican　party　in　1854；　I

say　I　never　had　anything　to　do　with　them；　and　I　think　Trumbull

never　had。　　Judge　Douglas　cannot　show　that　either　of　us　ever　did

have　anything　to　do　with　them。



I　believe　this　is　true　about　those　resolutions：　There　was　a　call

for　a　convention　to　form　a　Republican　party　at　Springfield；　and　I

think　that　my　friend　Mr。　Lovejoy；　who　is　here　upon　this　stand；

had　a　hand　in　it。　　I　think　this　is　true；　and　I　think　if　he　will

remember　accurately　he　will　be　able　to　recollect　that　he　tried　to

get　me　into　it；　and　I　would　not　go　in。　　I　believe　it　is　also　true

that　I　went　away　from　Springfield　when　the　convention　was　in

session；　to　attend　court　in　Tazewell　county。　　It　is　true　they　did

place　my　name；　though　without　authority；　upon　the　committee；　and

afterward　wrote　me　to　attend　the　meeting　of　the　committee；　but　I

refused　to　do　so；　and　I　never　had　anything　to　do　with　that

organization。　　This　is　the　plain　truth　about　all　that　matter　of

the　resolutions。



Now；　about　this　story　that　Judge　Douglas　tells　of　Trumbull

bargaining　to　sell　out　the　old　Democratic　party；　and　Lincoln

agreeing　to　sell　out　the　old　Whig　party；　I　have　the　means　of

knowing　about　that：　Judge　Douglas　cannot　have；　and　I　know　there

is　no　substance　to　it　whatever。　　Yet　I　have　no　doubt　he　is

〃conscientious〃　about　it。　　I　know　that　after　Mr。　Lovejoy　got　into

the　Legislature　that　winter；　he　complained　of　me　that　I　had　told

all　the　old　Whigs　of　his　district　that　the　old　Whig　party　was

good　enough　for　them；　and　some　of　them　voted　against　him　because

I　told　them　so。　　Now；　I　have　no　means　of　totally　disproving　such

charges　as　this　which　the　Judge　makes。　　A　man　cannot　prove　a

negative；　but　he　has　a　right　to　claim　that　when　a　man　makes　an

affirmative　charge；　he　must　offer　some　proof　to　show　the　truth　of

what　he　says。　　I　certainly　cannot　introduce　testimony　to　show　the

negative　about　things；　but　I　have　a　right　to　claim　that　if　a　man

says　he　knows　a　thing；　then　he　must　show　how　he　knows　it。　　I

always　have　a　right　to　claim　this；　and　it　is　not　satisfactory　to

me　that　he　may　be　〃conscientious〃　on　the　subject。



Now；　gentlemen；　I　hate　to　waste　my　time　on　such　things；　but　in

regard　to　that　general　Abolition　tilt　that　Judge　Douglas　makes；

when　he　says　that　I　was　engaged　at　that　time　in　selling　out　and

Abolitionizing　the　old　Whig　party；　I　hope　you　will　permit　me　to

read　a　part　of　a　printed　speech　that　I　made　then　at　Peoria；　which

will　show　altogether　a　different　view　of　the　position　I　took　in

that　contest　of　1854。



＇Voice：〃Put　on　your　specs。〃＇



Mr。　LINCOLN：　Yes；　sir；　I　am　obliged　to　do　so；　I　am　no　longer　a

young　man。



〃This　is　the　repeal　of　the　Missouri　Compromise。　　The　foregoing

history　may　not　be　precisely　accurate　in　every　particular；　but　I

am　sure　it　is　sufficiently　so　for　all　the　uses　I　shall　attempt　to

make　of　it；　and　in　it　we　have　before　us　the　chief　materials

enabling　us　to　correctly　judge　whether　the　repeal　of　the　Missouri

Compromise　is　right　or　wrong。



〃I　think；　and　shall　try　to　show；　that　it　is　wrongwrong　in　its

direct　effect；　letting　slavery　into　Kansas　and　Nebraska；　and

wrong　in　its　prospective　principle；　allowing　it　to　spread　to

every　other　part　of　the　wide　world　where　men　can　be　found

inclined　to　take　it。



〃This　declared　indifference；　but；　as　I　must　think；　covert　real