the writings-3-第12节
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co…sovereign with themselves。〃
Thus we see the power claimed for the Supreme Court by Judge
Douglas; Mr。 Jefferson holds; would reduce us to the despotism of
an oligarchy。
Now; I have said no more than this;in fact; never quite so much
as this; at least I am sustained by Mr。 Jefferson。
Let us go a little further。 You remember we once had a National
Bank。 Some one owed the bank a debt; he was sued; and sought to
avoid payment on the ground that the bank was unconstitutional。
The case went to the Supreme Court; and therein it was decided
that the bank was constitutional。 The whole Democratic party
revolted against that decision。 General Jackson himself asserted
that he; as President; would not be bound to hold a National Bank
to be constitutional; even though the court had decided it to be
so。 He fell in precisely with the view of Mr。 Jefferson; and
acted upon it under his official oath; in vetoing a charter for a
National Bank。 The declaration that Congress does not possess
this constitutional power to charter a bank has gone into the
Democratic platform; at their National Conventions; and was
brought forward and reaffirmed in their last Convention at
Cincinnati。 They have contended for that declaration; in the
very teeth of the Supreme Court; for more than a quarter of a
century。 In fact; they have reduced the decision to an absolute
nullity。 That decision; I repeat; is repudiated in the
Cincinnati platform; and still; as if to show that effrontery can
go no further; Judge Douglas vaunts in the very speeches in which
he denounces me for opposing the Dred Scott decision that he
stands on the Cincinnati platform。
Now; I wish to know what the Judge can charge upon me; with
respect to decisions of the Supreme Court; which does not lie in
all its length; breadth; and proportions at his own door。 The
plain truth is simply this: Judge Douglas is for Supreme Court
decisions when he likes and against them when he does not like
them。 He is for the Dred Scott decision because it tends to
nationalize slavery; because it is part of the original
combination for that object。 It so happens; singularly enough;
that I never stood opposed to a decision of the Supreme Court
till this; on the contrary; I have no recollection that he was
ever particularly in favor of one till this。 He never was in
favor of any nor opposed to any; till the present one; which
helps to nationalize slavery。
Free men of Sangamon; free men of Illinois; free men everywhere;
judge ye between him and me upon this issue。
He says this Dred Scott case is a very small matter at most;
that it has no practical effect; that at best; or rather; I
suppose; at worst; it is but an abstraction。 I submit that the
proposition that the thing which determines whether a man is free
or a slave is rather concrete than abstract。 I think you would
conclude that it was; if your liberty depended upon it; and so
would Judge Douglas; if his liberty depended upon it。 But
suppose it was on the question of spreading slavery over the new
Territories that he considers it as being merely an abstract
matter; and one of no practical importance。 How has the planting
of slavery in new countries always been effected? It has now
been decided that slavery cannot be kept out of our new
Territories by any legal means。 In what do our new Territories
now differ in this respect from the old Colonies when slavery was
first planted within them? It was planted; as Mr。 Clay once
declared; and as history proves true; by individual men; in spite
of the wishes of the people; the Mother Government refusing to
prohibit it; and withholding from the people of the Colonies the
authority to prohibit it for themselves。 Mr。 Clay says this was
one of the great and just causes of complaint against Great
Britain by the Colonies; and the best apology we can now make for
having the institution amongst us。 In that precise condition our
Nebraska politicians have at last succeeded in placing our own
new Territories; the government will not prohibit slavery within
them; nor allow the people to prohibit it。
I defy any man to find any difference between the policy which
originally planted slavery in these Colonies and that policy
which now prevails in our new Territories。 If it does not go
into them; it is only because no individual wishes it to go。 The
Judge indulged himself doubtless to…day with the question as to
what I am going to do with or about the Dred Scott decision。
Well; Judge; will you please tell me what you did about the bank
decision? Will you not graciously allow us to do with the Dred
Scott decision precisely as you did with the bank decision? You
succeeded in breaking down the moral effect of that decision: did
you find it necessary to amend the Constitution; or to set up a
court of negroes in order to do it?
There is one other point。 Judge Douglas has a very affectionate
leaning toward the Americans and Old Whigs。 Last evening; in a
sort of weeping tone; he described to us a death…bed scene。 He
had been called to the side of Mr。 Clay; in his last moments; in
order that the genius of 〃popular sovereignty〃 might duly descend
from the dying man and settle upon him; the living and most
worthy successor。 He could do no less than promise that he would
devote the remainder of his life to 〃popular sovereignty〃; and
then the great statesman departs in peace。 By this part of the
〃plan of the campaign〃 the Judge has evidently promised himself
that tears shall be drawn down the cheeks of all Old Whigs; as
large as half…grown apples。
Mr。 Webster; too; was mentioned; but it did not quite come to a
death…bed scene as to him。 It would be amusing; if it were not
disgusting; to see how quick these compromise…breakers administer
on the political effects of their dead adversaries; trumping up
claims never before heard of; and dividing the assets among
themselves。 If I should be found dead to…morrow morning; nothing
but my insignificance could prevent a speech being made on my
authority; before the end of next week。 It so happens that in
that 〃popular sovereignty〃 with which Mr。 Clay was identified;
the Missouri Compromise was expressly reversed; and it was a
little singular if Mr。 Clay cast his mantle upon Judge Douglas on
purpose to have that compromise repealed。
Again; the Judge did not keep faith with Mr。 Clay when he first
brought in his Nebraska Bill。 He left the Missouri Compromise
unrepealed; and in his report accompanying the bill he told the
world he did it on purpose。 The manes of Mr。 Clay must have been
in great agony till thirty days later; when 〃popular sovereignty〃
stood forth in all its glory。
One more thing。 Last night Judge Douglas tormented himself with
horrors about my disposition to make negroes perfectly equal with
white men in social and political relations。 He did not stop to
show that I have said any such thing; or that it legitimately
follows from anything I have said; but he rushes on with his
assertions。 I adhere to the Declaration of Independence。 If
Judge Douglas and his friends are not willing to stand by it; let
them come up and amend it。 Let them make it read that all men
are created equal except negroes。 Let us have it decided whether
the Declaration of Independence; in this blessed year of 1858;
shall be thus amended。 In his construction of the Declaration
last year; he said it only meant that Americans in America were
equal to Englishmen in England。 Then; when I pointed out to him
that by that rule he excludes the Germans; the Irish; the
Portuguese; and all the other people who have come among us since
the revolution; he reconstructs his construction。 In his last
speech he tells us it meant Europeans。
I press him a little further; and ask if it meant to include the
Russians in Asia; or does he mean to exclude that vast population
from the principles of our Declaration of Independence? I expect
ere long he will introduce another amendment to his definition。
He is not at all particular。 He is satisfied with anything which
does not endanger the nationalizing of negro slavery。 It may
draw white men down; but it must not lift negroes up。
Who shall say; 〃I am the superior; and you are the inferior〃?
My declarations upon this subject of negro slavery may be
misrepresented; but cannot be misunderstood。 I have said that I
do not understand the Declaration to mean that all men were
created equal in all respects。 They are not our equal in color;
but I suppose that it does mean to declare that all men are equal
in some respects; they are equal in their right to 〃life;
liberty; and the pursuit of happiness。〃 Certainly the negro is
not our equal in color; perhaps not in many other respects;
still; in the right to put into his mouth the bread that his own
hands have earned; he is the equal of every oth