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it shall become alike lawful in all the States; old as well as

new; North as well as South。〃



Now; you all see; from that quotation; I did not express my wish

on anything。  In that passage I indicated no wish or purpose of

my own; I simply expressed my expectation。  Cannot the Judge

perceive a distinction between a purpose and an expectation?  I

have often expressed an expectation to die; but I have never

expressed a wish to die。  I said at Chicago; and now repeat; that

I am quite aware this government has endured; half slave and half

free; for eighty…two years。  I understand that little bit of

history。  I expressed the opinion I did because I perceivedor

thought I perceiveda new set of causes introduced。  I did say

at Chicago; in my speech there; that I do wish to see the spread

of slavery arrested; and to see it placed where the public mind

shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate

extinction。  I said that because I supposed; when the public mind

shall rest in that belief; we shall have peace on the slavery

question。  I have believedand now believethe public mind did

rest on that belief up to the introduction of the Nebraska Bill。



Although I have ever been opposed to slavery; so far I rested in

the hope and belief that it was in the course of ultimate

extinction。  For that reason it had been a minor question with

me。  I might have been mistaken; but I had believed; and now

believe; that the whole public mind; that is; the mind of the

great majority; had rested in that belief up to the repeal of the

Missouri Compromise。  But upon that event I became convinced that

either I had been resting in a delusion; or the institution was

being placed on a new basis; a basis for making it perpetual;

national; and universal。  Subsequent events have greatly

confirmed me in that belief。  I believe that bill to be the

beginning of a conspiracy for that purpose。  So believing; I have

since then considered that question a paramount one。  So

believing; I thought the public mind will never rest till the

power of Congress to restrict the spread of it shall again be

acknowledged and exercised on the one hand or; on the other; all

resistance be entirely crushed out。  I have expressed that

opinion; and I entertain it to…night。  It is denied that there is

any tendency to the nationalization of slavery in these States。



Mr。 Brooks; of South Carolina; in one of his speeches; when they

were presenting him canes; silver plate; gold pitchers; and the

like; for assaulting Senator Sumner; distinctly affirmed his

opinion that when this Constitution was formed it was the belief

of no man that slavery would last to the present day。  He said;

what I think; that the framers of our Constitution placed the

institution of slavery where the public mind rested in the hope

that it was in the course of ultimate extinction。  But he went on

to say that the men of the present age; by their experience; have

become wiser than the framers of the Constitution; and the

invention of the cotton gin had made the perpetuity of slavery a

necessity in this country。



As another piece of evidence tending to this same point: Quite

recently in Virginia; a manthe owner of slavesmade a will

providing that after his death certain of his slaves should have

their freedom if they should so choose; and go to Liberia; rather

than remain in slavery。  They chose to be liberated。  But the

persons to whom they would descend as property claimed them as

slaves。  A suit was instituted; which finally came to the Supreme

Court of Virginia; and was therein decided against the slaves

upon the ground that a negro cannot make a choice; that they had

no legal power to choose; could not perform the condition upon

which their freedom depended。



I do not mention this with any purpose of criticizing it; but to

connect it with the arguments as affording additional evidence of

the change of sentiment upon this question of slavery in the

direction of making it perpetual and national。  I argue now as I

did before; that there is such a tendency; and I am backed; not

merely by the facts; but by the open confession in the slave

States。



And now as to the Judge's inference that because I wish to see

slavery placed in the course of ultimate extinction;placed

where our fathers originally placed it;I wish to annihilate the

State Legislatures; to force cotton to grow upon the tops of the

Green Mountains; to freeze ice in Florida; to cut lumber on the

broad Illinois prairie;that I am in favor of all these

ridiculous and impossible things。



It seems to me it is a complete answer to all this to ask if;

when Congress did have the fashion of restricting slavery from

free territory; when courts did have the fashion of deciding that

taking a slave into a free country made him free;I say it is a

sufficient answer to ask if any of this ridiculous nonsense about

consolidation and uniformity did actually follow。  Who heard of

any such thing because of the Ordinance of '87?  because of the

Missouri restriction?  because of the numerous court decisions of

that character?



Now; as to the Dred Scott decision; for upon that he makes his

last point at me。  He boldly takes ground in favor of that

decision。



This is one half the onslaught; and one third of the entire plan

of the campaign。  I am opposed to that decision in a certain

sense; but not in the sense which he puts it。  I say that in so

far as it decided in favor of Dred Scott's master; and against

Dred Scott and his family; I do not propose to disturb or resist

the decision。



I never have proposed to do any such thing。  I think that in

respect for judicial authority my humble history would not suffer

in comparison with that of Judge Douglas。  He would have the

citizen conform his vote to that decision; the member of

Congress; his; the President; his use of the veto power。  He

would make it a rule of political action for the people and all

the departments of the government。  I would not。  By resisting it

as a political rule; I disturb no right of property; create no

disorder; excite no mobs。



When he spoke at Chicago; on Friday evening of last week; he made

this same point upon me。  On Saturday evening I replied; and

reminded him of a Supreme Court decision which he opposed for at

least several years。  Last night; at Bloomington; he took some

notice of that reply; but entirely forgot to remember that part

of it。



He renews his onslaught upon me; forgetting to remember that I

have turned the tables against himself on that very point。  I

renew the effort to draw his attention to it。  I wish to stand

erect before the country; as well as Judge Douglas; on this

question of judicial authority; and therefore I add something to

the authority in favor of my own position。  I wish to show that I

am sustained by authority; in addition to that heretofore

presented。  I do not expect to convince the Judge。  It is part of

the plan of his campaign; and he will cling to it with a

desperate grip。  Even turn it upon him;the sharp point against

him; and gaff him through;he will still cling to it till he can

invent some new dodge to take the place of it。



In public speaking it is tedious reading from documents; but I

must beg to indulge the practice to a limited extent。  I shall

read from a letter written by Mr。 Jefferson in 1820; and now to

be found in the seventh volume of his correspondence; at page

177。  It seems he had been presented by a gentleman of the name

of Jarvis with a book; or essay; or periodical; called the

Republican; and he was writing in acknowledgment of the present;

and noting some of its contents。  After expressing the hope that

the work will produce a favorable effect upon the minds of the

young; he proceeds to say:



〃That it will have this tendency may be expected; and for that

reason I feel an urgency to note what I deem an error in it; the

more requiring notice as your opinion is strengthened by that of

many others。  You seem; in pages 84 and 148; to consider the

judges as the ultimate arbiters of all constitutional questions;…

…a very dangerous doctrine indeed; and one which would place us

under the despotism of an oligarchy。  Our judges are as honest as

other men; and not more so。  They have; with others; the same

passions for party; for power; and the privilege of their corps。

Their maxim is; 'Boni judicis est ampliare jurisdictionem'; and

their power is the more dangerous as they are in office for life;

and not responsible; as the other functionaries are; to the

elective control。  The Constitution has erected no such single

tribunal; knowing that; to whatever hands confided; with the

corruptions of time and party; its members would become despots。

It has more wisely made all the departments co…equal and

co…sovereign with themselves。〃



Thus we see the power claimed for the Supreme Court by Ju

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