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The Writings of Abraham Lincoln
by Abraham Lincoln
VOLUME THREE
THE LINCOLN…DOUGLAS DEBATES I
POLITICAL SPEECHES & DEBATES of LINCOLN WITH DOUGLAS
In the Senatorial Campaign of 1858 in Illinois
SPEECH AT SPRINGFIELD; JUNE 17; 1858
'The following speech was delivered at Springfield; Ill。; at the
close of the Republican State Convention held at that time and
place; and by which Convention Mr。 LINCOLN had been named as
their candidate for United States Senator。 Mr。 DOUGLAS was not
present。'
Mr。 PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION:If we could first
know where we are; and whither we are tending; we could better
judge what to do; and how to do it。 We are now far into the
fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object
and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation。
Under the operation of that policy; that agitation has not only
not ceased; but has constantly augmented。 In my opinion; it will
not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed。 〃A
house divided against itself cannot stand。〃 I believe this
government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free。
I do not expect the Union to be dissolved; I do not expect the
house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be divided。 It
will become all one thing; or all the other。 Either the
opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it; and
place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it
is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will
push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the
States; old as well as new; North as well as South。
Have we no tendency to the latter condition?
Let any one who doubts; carefully contemplate that now almost
complete legal combination…piece of machinery; so to speak
compounded of the Nebraska doctrine and the Dred Scott decision。
Let him consider; not only what work the machinery is adapted to
do; and how well adapted; but also let him study the history of
its construction; and trace; if he can; or rather fail; if he
can; to trace the evidences of design; and concert of action;
among its chief architects; from the beginning。
The new year of 1854 found slavery excluded from more than half
the States by State Constitutions; and from most of the National
territory by Congressional prohibition。 Four days later;
commenced the struggle which ended in repealing that
Congressional prohibition。 This opened all the National
territory to slavery; and was the first point gained。
But; so far; Congress only had acted; and an indorsement by the
people; real or apparent; was indispensable to save the point
already gained; and give chance for more。
This necessity had not been overlooked; but had been provided
for; as well as might be; in the notable argument of 〃squatter
sovereignty;〃 otherwise called 〃sacred right of self…government;〃
which latter phrase; though expressive of the only rightful basis
of any government; was so perverted in this attempted use of it
as to amount to just this: That if any one man choose to enslave
another; no third man shall be allowed to object。 That argument
was incorporated into the Nebraska Bill itself; in the language
which follows:
〃It being the true intent and meaning of this Act not to
legislate slavery into any Territory or State; nor to exclude it
therefrom; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form
and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way;
subject only to the Constitution of the United States。〃
Then opened the roar of loose declamation in favor of 〃squatter
sovereignty;〃 and 〃sacred right of self…government。〃 〃But;〃 said
opposition members; 〃let us amend the bill so as to expressly
declare that the people of the Territory may exclude slavery。〃
〃Not we;〃 said the friends of the measure; and down they voted
the amendment。
While the Nebraska Bill was passing through Congress; a law case;
involving the question of a negro's freedom; by reason of his
owner having voluntarily taken him first into a free State; and
then into a territory covered by the Congressional Prohibition;
and held him as a slave for a long time in each; was passing
through the United States Circuit Court for the District of
Missouri; and both Nebraska Bill and lawsuit were brought to a
decision in the same month of May; 1854。 The negro's name was
〃Dred Scott;〃 which name now designates the decision finally made
in the case。 Before the then next Presidential election; the law
case came to; and was argued in; the Supreme Court of the United
States; but the decision of it was deferred until after the
election。 Still; before the election; Senator Trumbull; on the
floor of the Senate; requested the leading advocate of the
Nebraska Bill to state his opinion whether the people of a
territory can constitutionally exclude slavery from their limits;
and the latter answers: 〃That is a question for the Supreme
Court。〃
The election came。 Mr。 Buchanan was elected; and the
indorsement; such as it was; secured。 That was the second point
gained。 The indorsement; however; fell short of a clear popular
majority by nearly four hundred thousand votes;(approximately 10%
of the vote) and so; perhaps; was not overwhelmingly reliable and
satisfactory。 The outgoing President; in his last annual
message; as impressively as possible echoed back upon the people
the weight and authority of the indorsement。 The Supreme Court
met again; did not announce their decision; but ordered a
reargument。 The Presidential inauguration came; and still no
decision of the court; but the incoming President; in his
inaugural address; fervently exhorted the people to abide by the
forth…coming decision; whatever it might be。 Then; in a few
days; came the decision。
The reputed author of the Nebraska Bill finds an early occasion
to make a speech at this capital indorsing the Dred Scott
decision; and vehemently denouncing all opposition to it。 The
new President; too; seizes the early occasion of the Silliman
letter to indorse and strongly construe that decision; and to
express his astonishment that any different view had ever been
entertained!
At length a squabble springs up between the President and the
author of the Nebraska Bill; on the mere question of fact;
whether the Lecompton Constitution was or was not in any just
sense made by the people of Kansas; and in that quarrel the
latter declares that all he wants is a fair vote for the people;
and that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up。
I do not understand his declaration; that he cares not whether
slavery be voted down or voted up; to be intended by him other
than as an apt definition of the policy he would impress upon the
public mind;the principle for which he declares he has suffered
so much; and is ready to suffer to the end。 And well may he
cling to that principle! If he has any parental feeling; well
may he cling to it。 That principle is the only shred left of his
original Nebraska doctrine。 Under the Dred Scott decision
〃squatter sovereignty〃 squatted out of existence; tumbled down
like temporary scaffolding; like the mould at the foundry; served
through one blast; and fell back into loose sand; helped to carry
an election; and then was kicked to the winds。 His late joint
struggle with the Republicans; against the Lecompton
Constitution; involves nothing of the original Nebraska doctrine。
That struggle was made on a pointthe right of a people to make
their own constitutionupon which he and the Republicans have
never differed。
The several points of the Dred Scott decision; in connection with
Senator Douglas's 〃care not〃 policy; constitute the piece of
machinery; in its present state of advancement。 This was the
third point gained。 The working points of that machinery are:
Firstly; That no negro slave; imported as such from Africa; and
no descendant of such slave; can ever be a citizen of any State;
in the sense of that term as used in the Constitution of the
United States。 This point is made in order to deprive the negro;
in every possible event; of the benefit of that provision of the
United States Constitution which declares that 〃The citizens of
each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of
citizens in the several States。〃
Secondly; That; 〃subject to the Constitution of the United
States;〃 neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature can
exclude slavery from any United States Territory。 This point is
made in order that individual men may fill up the Territories
with slaves; without danger of losing them as property; and thus
to enhance the chances of permanency to the institution through
all the future。
Thirdly; That whether the holding a negro in actual slavery in a
free State makes him free