russia in 1919(1919的俄国)-第30节
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Moscow。
We talked； of course； of their attitude towards the Bolsheviks。 Both
work in Soviet institutions。 Sukhanov （Nikitsky agreeing） believed that
if the Bolsheviks came further to meet the other parties； Mensheviks； etc。；
〃Kolchak and Denikin would commit suicide and your Lloyd George
would give up all thought of intervention。〃 I asked； What if they should be
told to hold a Constituent Assembly or submit to a continuance of the
blockade？ Sukhanov said； 〃Such a Constituent Assembly would be
impossible； and we should be against it。〃 Of the Soviets； one or other said；
〃We stand absolutely on the platform of the Soviet Government now： but
we think that such a form cannot be permanent。 We consider the Soviets
perfect instruments of class struggle； but not a perfect form of
government。〃 I asked Sukhanov if he thought counter revolution possible。
He said 〃No；〃 but admitted that there was a danger lest the agitation of the
Mensheviks or others might set fire to the discontent of the masses against
the actual physical conditions； and end in pogroms destroying Bolsheviks
and Mensheviks alike。 Their general theory was that Russia was not so
far developed that a Socialist State was at present possible。 They
therefore wanted a state in which private capital should exist； and in which
factories were not run by the state but by individual owners。 They
believed that the peasants； with their instincts of small property…holders；
would eventually enforce something of the kind； and that the end would be
some form of democratic Republic。 These two were against the offering
of concessions to the Allies； on the ground that those under consideration
involved the handing over to the concessionaires of the whole power in
northern Russia…railways； forests； the right to set up their own banks in
the towns served by the railway； with all that this implied。 Sukhanov was
against concessions on principle； and regretted that the Mensheviks were
in favour of them。
I saw Martov at the offices of his newspaper； which had just been
suppressed on account of an article； which he admitted was a little
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RUSSIA IN 1919
indiscreet； objecting to the upkeep of the Red Army （see page 167）。 He
pointed eloquently to the seal on some of the doors； but told me that he
had started a new paper； of which he showed me the first number； and told
me that the demand for it was such that although he had intended that it
should be a weekly he now expected to make it a daily。 Martov said that
he and his party were against every form of intervention for the following
reasons： 1。 The continuation of hostilities； the need of an army and of
active defence were bound to intensify the least desirable qualities of the
revolution whereas an agreement； by lessening the tension； would
certainly lead to moderation of Bolshevik Policy。 2。 The needs of the army
overwhelmed every effort at restoring the economic life of the country。 He
was further convinced that intervention of any kind favoured reaction；
even supposing that the Allies did not wish this。 〃They cannot help
themselves；〃 he said； 〃the forces that would support intervention must be
dominated by those of reaction； since all of the non…reactionary parties are
prepared to sink their differences with the Bolsheviks； in order to defend
the revolution as a whole。〃 He said he was convinced that the Bolsheviks
would either have to alter or go。 He read me； in illustration of this； a
letter from a peasant showing the unreadiness of the peasantry to go into
communes （compulsion in this matter has already been discarded by the
Central Government）。 〃We took the land；〃 wrote the peasant in some
such words； 〃not much； just as much as we could work； we ploughed it
where it had not been ploughed before； and now； if it is made into a
commune； other lazy fellows who have done nothing will come in and
profit by our work。〃 Martov argued that life itself； the needs of the country
and the will of the peasant masses； would lead to the changes he thinks
desirable in the Soviet regime。
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RUSSIA IN 1919
THE RIGHT SOCIAL
REVOLUTIONARIES
The position of the Right Social Revolutionaries is a good deal
more complicated than that of the Mensheviks。 In their later declarations
they are as far from their romantic anarchist left wing as they are from
their romantic reactionary extreme right。 They stand； as they have
always stood； for a Constituent Assembly； but they have thrown over the
idea of instituting a Constituent Assembly by force。 They have come
into closer contact with the Allies than any other party to the left of the
Cadets。 By doing so； by associating themselves with the Czech forces on
the Volga and minor revolts of a reactionary character inside Russia； they
have pretty badly compromised themselves。 Their change of attitude
towards the Soviet Government must not be attributed to any change in
their own programme； but to the realization that the forces which they
imagined were supporting them were actually being used to support
something a great deal further right。 The Printers' Gazette； a non…
Bolshevik organ； printed one of their resolutions； one point of which
demands the overthrow of the reactionary governments supported by the
Allies or the Germans； and another condemns every attempt to overthrow
the Soviet Government by force of arms； on the ground that such an
attempt would weaken the working class as a whole and would be used by
the reactionary groups for their own purposes。
Volsky is a Right Social Revolutionary； and was President of that
Conference of Members of the Constituent Assembly from whose hands
the Directorate which ruled in Siberia received its authority and Admiral
Kolchak his command； his proper title being Commander of the Forces of
the Constituent Assembly。 The Constituent Assembly members were to
have met on January 1st of this year； then to retake authority from the
Directorate and organize a government on an All…Russian basis。 But
there was continual friction between the Directorate and the Conference of
members of the Constituent Assembly； the Directorate being more
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RUSSIA IN 1919
reactionary than they。 In November came Kolchak's coup d'=82tat；
followed by a declaration against him and an appeal for his overthrow
issued by members of the Constituent Assembly。 Some were arrested by a
group of officers。 A few are said to have been killed。 Kolchak； I think；
has denied responsibility for this； and probably was unaware of the
intentions of the reactionaries under his command。 Others of the
members escaped to Ufa。 On December 5th； 25 days before that town
was taken by the Bolsheviks； they announced their intention of no longer
opposing the Soviet Government in the field。 After the capture of the
town by the Soviet troops； negotiations were begun between the
representatives of the Conference of Members of the Constituent
Assembly； together with other Right Social Revolutionaries； and
representatives of the Soviet Government； with a view to finding a basis
for agreement。 The result of those negotiations was the resolution passed
by the Executive Committee on February 26th （see page 166）。 A
delegation of the members came to Moscow； and were quaintly housed in
a huge room in the Metropole； where they had put up beds all round the
walls and big tables in the middle of the room for their deliberations。 It
was in this room that I saw Volsky first； and afterwards in my ow
