the writings-5-第53节
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urgent； one； you will add that ＇it＇ the blockade is now； and it will
continue to be so maintained； and therefore we expect it to be
respected by Great Britain。 You will add that we have already
revoked the exequatur of a Russian consul who had enlisted in the
military service of the insurgents； and we shall dismiss or demand
the recall of every foreign agent； consular or diplomatic； who shall
either disobey the Federal laws or disown the Federal authority。
As to the recognition of the so…called Southern Confederacy； it is
not to be made a subject of technical definition。 It is； of course；
＇quasi direct recognition to publish an acknowledgment of the
sovereignty and independence of a new power。 It is ＇quasi＇ direct
recognition to receive its ambassadors； ministers； agents； or
commissioners officially。 A concession of belligerent rights is
liable to be construed as a recognition of them。 No one of these
proceedings will ＇be borne＇ pass ＇unnoticed＇ unquestioned by the
United States in this case。
Hitherto recognition has been moved only on the assumption that the
so…called Confederate States are de facto a self…sustaining power。
Now； after long forbearance； designed to soothe discontent and avert
the need of civil war； the land and naval forces of the United States
have been put in motion to repress the insurrection。 The true
character of the pretended new State is at once revealed。 It is seen
to be a power existing in pronunciamento only； It has never won a
field。 It has obtained no forts that were not virtually betrayed
into its hands or seized in breach of trust。 It commands not a
single port on the coast nor any highway out from its pretended
capital by land。 Under these circumstances Great Britain is called
upon to intervene and give it body and independence by resisting our
measures of suppression。 British recognition would be British
intervention to create within our own territory a hostile state by
overthrowing this republic itself。 ＇When this act of intervention is
distinctly performed； we from that hour shall cease to be friends；
and become once more； as we have twice before been forced to be；
enemies of Great Britain。＇
As to the treatment of privateers in the insurgent service； you will
say that this is a question exclusively our own。 We treat them as
pirates。 They are our own citizens； or persons employed by our
citizens； preying on the commerce of our country。 If Great Britain
shall choose to recognize them as lawful belligerents； and give them
shelter from our pursuit and punishment； the laws of nations afford
an adequate and proper remedy ＇and we shall avail ourselves of it。
And while you need not say this in advance； be sure that you say
nothing inconsistent with it。＇
Happily； however； her Britannic Majesty's government can avoid all
these difficulties。 It invited us in 1856 to accede to the
declaration of the Congress of Paris； of which body Great Britain was
herself a member； abolishing privateering everywhere in all cases and
forever。 You already have our authority to propose to her our
accession to that declaration。 If she refuse to receive it； it can
only be because she is willing to become the patron of privateering
when aimed at our devastation。
These positions are not elaborately defended now； because to
vindicate them would imply a possibility of our waiving them。
1 We are not insensible of the grave importance of
1（Drop all from this line to the end； and in lieu of it write； 〃This
paper is for your own guidance only； and not ＇sic＇ to be read or
shown to any one。）
（Secretary Seward； when the despatch was returned to him； added an
introductory paragraph stating that the document was strictly
confidential。 For this reason these last two paragraphs remained as
they are here printed。）
this occasion。 We see how； upon the result of the debate in which we
are engaged； a war may ensue between the United States and one； two；
or even more European nations。 War in any case is as exceptionable
from the habits as it is revolting from the sentiments of the
American people。 But if it come； it will be fully seen that it
results from the action of Great Britain； not our own； that Great
Britain will have decided to fraternize with our domestic enemy；
either without waiting to hear from you our remonstrances and our
warnings； or after having heard them。 War in defense of national
life is not immoral； and war in defense of independence is an
inevitable part of the discipline of nations。
The dispute will be between the European and the American branches of
the British race。 All who belong to that race will especially
deprecate it； as they ought。 It may well be believed that men of
every race and kindred will deplore it。 A war not unlike it between
the same parties occurred at the close of the last century。 Europe
atoned by forty years of suffering for the error that Great Britain
committed in provoking that contest。 If that nation shall now repeat
the same great error； the social convulsions which will follow may
not be so long； but they will be more general。 When they shall have
ceased； it will； we think； be seen； whatever may have been the
fortunes of other nations； that it is not the United States that will
have come out of them with its precious Constitution altered or its
honestly obtained dominion in any degree abridged。 Great Britain has
but to wait a few months and all her present inconveniences will
cease with all our own troubles。 If she take a different course； she
will calculate for herself the ultimate as well as the immediate
consequences； and will consider what position she will hold when she
shall have forever lost the sympathies and the affections of the only
nation on whose sympathies and affections she has a natural claim。
In making that calculation she will do well to remember that in the
controversy she proposes to open we shall be actuated by neither
pride； nor passion； nor cupidity； nor ambition； but we shall stand
simply on the principle of self…preservation； and that our cause will
involve the independence of nations and the rights of human nature。
I am； Sir； respectfully your obedient servant；
W。 H。 S。
CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS； Esq。； etc；
TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR；
EXECUTIVE MANSION； May 21； 1861。
HON。 SECRETARY OF WAR。
MY DEAR SIR：Why cannot Colonel Small's Philadelphia regiment be
received？ I sincerely wish it could。 There is something strange
about it。 Give these gentlemen an interview； and take their
regiment。
Yours truly；
A。 LINCOLN。
TO GOVERNOR MORGAN。
WASHINGTON； May 12； 1861
GOVERNOR E。 D。 MORGAN； Albany； N。Y。
I wish to see you face to face to clear these difficulties about
forwarding troops from New York。
A。 LINCOLN。
TO CAPTAIN DAHLGREEN。
EXECUTIVE； MANSION； May 23； 1863。
CAPT。 DAHLGREEN。
MY DEAR SIR：Allow me to introduce Col。 J。 A。 McLernand； M。C。 of my
own district in Illinois。 If he should desire to visit Fortress
Monroe； please introduce him to the captain of one of the vessels in
our service； and pass him down and back。
Yours very truly；
A。 LINCOLN。
LETTER OF CONDOLENCE TO ONE OF FIRST CASUALTIES
TO COLONEL ELLSWORTH'S PARENTS；
WASHINGTON； D。C。； May 25； 1861
TO THE FATHER AND MOTHER
OF COL。 ELMER E。 ELLSWORTH。
MY DEAR SIR AND MADAME：In the untimely loss of your noble son； our
affliction here is scarcely less than your own。 So much of promised
usefulness to one's country； and of bright hopes for one's self and
friends； have never been so suddenly dashed as in his fall。 In size；
in years； and in youthful appearance a boy only； his power to command
men was surpassingly great。 This power； combined with a fine
intellectual and indomitable energy； and a taste altogether military；
constituted in him； as seemed to me； the best natural talent in that
department I ever knew。 And yet he was singularly modest and
deferential in social intercourse。 My acquaintance with him began
less than two years ago； yet； through the latter half of the
intervening period； it was as intense as the disparity of our ages
and my engrossing engagements would permit。 To me he appeared to
have no indulgences or pastimes； and I never heard him utter a
profane or an intemperate word。 What was conclusive of his good
heart； he never forgot his parents。 The honors he labored for so
laudably； and for which； in the sad end； he so gallantly gave his
life； he meant for them no less than for himself。
In the hope that it may be no intrusion upon the sacredness of your
sorrow； I have ventured to address you this tribute to the memory of
my young friend and your brave and early fallen son。
May God give you the consolation which is beyond all early power。
Sincerely your friend in
