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opinion；　to　which　we　give　the　name　of　divine　right；　is　to　fall　into

an　historical　error　quite　as　gross　as　attributing　to　Atreus　the

courting　of　the　populace　（＇Greek　text　which　cannot　be　reproduced＇）

with　a　view　to　the　Mycenean　throne。



The　general　method　of　historical　criticism　pursued　by　Thucydides

having　been　thus　indicated；　it　remains　to　proceed　more　into　detail

as　regards　those　particular　points　where　he　claims　for　himself　a

more　rational　method　of　estimating　evidence　than　either　the　public

or　his　predecessors　possessed。



'So　little　pains；'　he　remarks；　'do　the　vulgar　take　in　the

investigation　of　truth；　satisfied　with　their　preconceived

opinions；'　that　the　majority　of　the　Greeks　believe　in　a　Pitanate

cohort　of　the　Spartan　army　and　in　a　double　vote　being　the

prerogative　of　the　Spartan　kings；　neither　of　which　opinions　has　any

foundation　in　fact。　　But　the　chief　point　on　which　he　lays　stress　as

evincing　the　'uncritical　way　with　which　men　receive　legends；　even

the　legends　of　their　own　country；'　is　the　entire　baselessness　of

the　common　Athenian　tradition　in　which　Harmodios　and　Aristogeiton

were　represented　as　the　patriotic　liberators　of　Athens　from　the

Peisistratid　tyranny。　　So　far；　he　points　out；　from　the　love　of

freedom　being　their　motive；　both　of　them　were　influenced　by　merely

personal　considerations；　Aristogeiton　being　jealous　of　Hipparchos'

attention　to　Harmodios；　then　a　beautiful　boy　in　the　flower　of　Greek

loveliness；　while　the　latter's　indignation　was　aroused　by　an　insult

offered　to　his　sister　by　the　prince。



Their　motives；　then；　were　personal　revenge；　while　the　result　of

their　conspiracy　served　only　to　rivet　more　tightly　the　chains　of

servitude　which　bound　Athens　to　the　Peisistratid　house；　for

Hipparchos；　whom　they　killed；　was　only　the　tyrant's　younger

brother；　and　not　the　tyrant　himself。



To　prove　his　theory　that　Hippias　was　the　elder；　he　appeals　to　the

evidence　afforded　by　a　public　inscription　in　which　his　name　occurs

immediately　after　that　of　his　father；　a　point　which　he　thinks　shows

that　he　was　the　eldest；　and　so　the　heir。　　This　view　he　further

corroborates　by　another　inscription；　on　the　altar　of　Apollo；　which

mentions　the　children　of　Hippias　and　not　those　of　his　brothers；

'for　it　was　natural　for　the　eldest　to　be　married　first'；　and

besides　this；　on　the　score　of　general　probability　he　points　out

that；　had　Hippias　been　the　younger；　he　would　not　have　so　easily

obtained　the　tyranny　on　the　death　of　Hipparchos。



Now；　what　is　important　in　Thucydides；　as　evinced　in　the　treatment

of　legend　generally；　is　not　the　results　he　arrived　at；　but　the

method　by　which　he　works。　　The　first　great　rationalistic　historian；

he　may　be　said　to　have　paved　the　way　for　all　those　who　followed

after　him；　though　it　must　always　be　remembered　that；　while　the

total　absence　in　his　pages　of　all　the　mystical　paraphernalia　of　the

supernatural　theory　of　life　is　an　advance　in　the　progress　of

rationalism；　and　an　era　in　scientific　history；　whose　importance

could　never　be　over…estimated；　yet　we　find　along　with　it　a　total

absence　of　any　mention　of　those　various　social　and　economical

forces　which　form　such　important　factors　in　the　evolution　of　the

world；　and　to　which　Herodotus　rightly　gave　great　prominence　in　his

immortal　work。　　The　history　of　Thucydides　is　essentially　one…sided

and　incomplete。　　The　intricate　details　of　sieges　and　battles；

subjects　with　which　the　historian　proper　has　really　nothing　to　do

except　so　far　as　they　may　throw　light　on　the　spirit　of　the　age；　we

would　readily　exchange　for　some　notice　of　the　condition　of　private

society　in　Athens；　or　the　influence　and　position　of　women。



There　is　an　advance　in　the　method　of　historical　criticism；　there　is

an　advance　in　the　conception　and　motive　of　history　itself；　for　in

Thucydides　we　may　discern　that　natural　reaction　against　the

intrusion　of　didactic　and　theological　considerations　into　the

sphere　of　the　pure　intellect；　the　spirit　of　which　may　be　found　in

the　Euripidean　treatment　of　tragedy　and　the　later　schools　of　art；

as　well　as　in　the　Platonic　conception　of　science。



History；　no　doubt；　has　splendid　lessons　for　our　instruction；　just

as　all　good　art　comes　to　us　as　the　herald　of　the　noblest　truth。

But；　to　set　before　either　the　painter　or　the　historian　the

inculcation　of　moral　lessons　as　an　aim　to　be　consciously　pursued；

is　to　miss　entirely　the　true　motive　and　characteristic　both　of　art

and　history；　which　is　in　the　one　case　the　creation　of　beauty；　in

the　other　the　discovery　of　the　laws　of　the　evolution　of　progress：

IL　NE　FAUT　DEMANDER　DE　L'ART　QUE　L'ART；　DU　PASSE　QUE　LE　PASSE。



Herodotus　wrote　to　illustrate　the　wonderful　ways　of　Providence　and

the　nemesis　that　falls　on　sin；　and　his　work　is　a　good　example　of

the　truth　that　nothing　can　dispense　with　criticism　so　much　as　a

moral　aim。　　Thucydides　has　no　creed　to　preach；　no　doctrine　to

prove。　　He　analyses　the　results　which　follow　inevitably　from

certain　antecedents；　in　order　that　on　a　recurrence　of　the　same

crisis　men　may　know　how　to　act。



His　object　was　to　discover　the　laws　of　the　past　so　as　to　serve　as　a

light　to　illumine　the　future。　　We　must　not　confuse　the　recognition

of　the　utility　of　history　with　any　ideas　of　a　didactic　aim。　　Two

points　more　in　Thucydides　remain　for　our　consideration：　　his

treatment　of　the　rise　of　Greek　civilisation；　and　of　the　primitive

condition　of　Hellas；　as　well　as　the　question　how　far　can　he　be　said

really　to　have　recognised　the　existence　of　laws　regulating　the

complex　phenomena　of　life。







CHAPTER　III







THE　investigation　into　the　two　great　problems　of　the　origin　of

society　and　the　philosophy　of　history　occupies　such　an　important

position　in　the　evolution　of　Greek　thought　that；　to　obtain　any

clear　view　of　the　workings　of　the　critical　spirit；　it　will　be

necessary　to　trace　at　some　length　their　rise　and　scientific

development　as　evinced　not　merely　in　the　works　of　historians

proper；　but　also　in　the　philosophical　treatises　of　Plato　and

Aristotle。　　The　important　position　which　these　two　great　thinkers

occupy　in　the　progress　of　historical　criticism　can　hardly　be　over…

estimated。　　I　do　not　mean　merely　as　regards　their　treatment　of　the

Greek　Bible；　and　Plato's　endeavours　to　purge　sacred　history　of　its

immorality　by　the　application　of　ethical　canons　at　the　time　when

Aristotle　was　beginning　to　undermine　the　basis　of　miracles　by　his

scientific　conception　of　law；　but　with　reference　to　these　two　wider

questions　of　the　rise　of　civil　institutions　and　the　philosophy　of

history。



And　first；　as　regards　the　current　theories　of　the　primitive

condition　of　society；　there　was　a　wide　divergence　of　opinion　in

Hellenic　society；　just　as　there　is　now。　　For　while　the　majority　of

the　orthodox　public；　of　whom　Hesiod　may　be　taken　as　the

representative；　looked　back；　as　a　great　many　of　our　own　day　still

do；　to　a　fabulous　age　of　innocent　happiness；　a　BELL'　ETE　DELL'

AURO；　where　sin　and　death　were　unknown　and　men　and　women　were　like

Gods；　the　foremost　men　of　intellect　such　as　Aristotle　and　Plato；

AEschylus　and　many　of　the　other　poets　（1）　saw　in　primitive　man　'a

few　small　sparks　of　humanity　preserved　on　the　tops　of　mountains

after　some　deluge；'　'without　an　idea　of　cities；　governments　or

legislation；'　'living　the　lives　of　wild　beasts　in　sunless　caves；'

'their　only　law　being　the　survival　of　the　fittest。'



And　this；　too；　was　the　opinion　of　Thucydides；　whose　ARCHAEOLOGIA　as

it　is　contains　a　most　valuable　disquisition　on　the　early　condition

of　Hellas；　which　it　will　be　necessary　to　examine　at　some　length。



Now；　as　regards　the　means　employed　generally　by　Thucydides　for　the

elucidation　of　ancient　history；　I　have　already　pointed　out　how

that；　while　acknowledging　that　'it　is　the　tendency　of　every　poet　to

exaggerate；　as　it　is　of　every　chronicler　to　seek　to　be　attractive

at　the　expense　of　truth；　he　yet　assumes　in　the　thoroughly

euhemeristic　way；　that　under　the　veil　of　myth　and　legend　there　does

yet　exist　a　rational　basis　of　fact　discoverable　by　the　method　of

rejecting　all　supernatural　interference　as　well　as　any

extraordinary　motives　influencing　the　actors。　　It　is　in　complete

accordance　with　this　spirit　that　he　appeals；　for　instance；　to　the

Homeric　epithet　of　＇Greek　text　which　cannot　be　reproduced＇；　as

applied　to　Corinth；　as　a　proof　of　the　early　commercial　prosperity

of　that　city；　to　the　fact　of　the　generic　name　HELLENES　not

occurring　in　the　ILIAD　as　a　corroboration　of　his　theory　of　the

essentially　disunited　character　of　the　primitive　Greek　tribes；　and

he　argues　from　the　line　'O'er　many　islands　and　all　Argos　ruled；'　as

applied　to　Agamemnon；　that　his　forces　must　have　been　partially

naval；　'for　Agamemnon's　was　a　continental　power；　and　he　could　not

have　been　master　of　any　but　the　adjacent　islands；　and　these　would

not　be　many　but　through　the　possession　of　a　fleet。'



Anticipating　in　some　measure　the　comparative　method　of　researc