essays and lectures-第2节

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attack；　and　re…writes　history　with　a　didactic　purpose；　laying　down

certain　ethical　canons　of　historical　criticism。　　God　is　good；　God

is　just；　God　is　true；　God　is　without　the　common　passions　of　men。

These　are　the　tests　to　which　we　are　to　bring　the　stories　of　the

Greek　religion。



'God　predestines　no　men　to　ruin；　nor　sends　destruction　on　innocent

cities；　He　never　walks　the　earth　in　strange　disguise；　nor　has　to

mourn　for　the　death　of　any　well…beloved　son。　　Away　with　the　tears

for　Sarpedon；　the　lying　dream　sent　to　Agamemnon；　and　the　story　of

the　broken　covenant！'　　（Plato；　REPUBLIC；　Book　ii。　380；　iii。　388；

391。）



Similar　ethical　canons　are　applied　to　the　accounts　of　the　heroes　of

the　days　of　old；　and　by　the　same　A　PRIORI　principles　Achilles　is

rescued　from　the　charges　of　avarice　and　insolence　in　a　passage

which　may　be　recited　as　the　earliest　instance　of　that　'whitewashing

of　great　men；'　as　it　has　been　called；　which　is　so　popular　in　our

own　day；　when　Catiline　and　Clodius　are　represented　as　honest　and

far…seeing　politicians；　when　EINE　EDLE　UND　GUTE　NATUR　is　claimed

for　Tiberius；　and　Nero　is　rescued　from　his　heritage　of　infamy　as　an

accomplished　DILETTANTE　whose　moral　aberrations　are　more　than

excused　by　his　exquisite　artistic　sense　and　charming　tenor　voice。



But　besides　the　allegorising　principle　of　interpretation；　and　the

ethical　reconstruction　of　history；　there　was　a　third　theory；　which

may　be　called　the　semi…historical；　and　which　goes　by　the　name　of

Euhemeros；　though　he　was　by　no　means　the　first　to　propound　it。



Appealing　to　a　fictitious　monument　which　he　declared　that　he　had

discovered　in　the　island　of　Panchaia；　and　which　purported　to　be　a

column　erected　by　Zeus；　and　detailing　the　incidents　of　his　reign　on

earth；　this　shallow　thinker　attempted　to　show　that　the　gods　and

heroes　of　ancient　Greece　were　'mere　ordinary　mortals；　whose

achievements　had　been　a　good　deal　exaggerated　and　misrepresented；'

and　that　the　proper　canon　of　historical　criticism　as　regards　the

treatment　of　myths　was　to　rationalise　the　incredible；　and　to

present　the　plausible　residuum　as　actual　truth。



To　him　and　his　school；　the　centaurs；　for　instance；　those　mythical

sons　of　the　storm；　strange　links　between　the　lives　of　men　and

animals；　were　merely　some　youths　from　the　village　of　Nephele　in

Thessaly；　distinguished　for　their　sporting　tastes；　the　'living

harvest　of　panoplied　knights；'　which　sprang　so　mystically　from　the

dragon's　teeth；　a　body　of　mercenary　troops　supported　by　the　profits

on　a　successful　speculation　in　ivory；　and　Actaeon；　an　ordinary

master　of　hounds；　who；　living　before　the　days　of　subscription；　was

eaten　out　of　house　and　home　by　the　expenses　of　his　kennel。



Now；　that　under　the　glamour　of　myth　and　legend　some　substratum　of

historical　fact　may　lie；　is　a　proposition　rendered　extremely

probable　by　the　modern　investigations　into　the　workings　of　the

mythopoeic　spirit　in　post…Christian　times。　　Charlemagne　and　Roland；

St。　Francis　and　William　Tell；　are　none　the　less　real　personages

because　their　histories　are　filled　with　much　that　is　fictitious　and

incredible；　but　in　all　cases　what　is　essentially　necessary　is　some

external　corroboration；　such　as　is　afforded　by　the　mention　of

Roland　and　Roncesvalles　in　the　chronicles　of　England；　or　（in　the

sphere　of　Greek　legend）　by　the　excavations　of　Hissarlik。　　But　to

rob　a　mythical　narrative　of　its　kernel　of　supernatural　elements；

and　to　present　the　dry　husk　thus　obtained　as　historical　fact；　is；

as　has　been　well　said；　to　mistake　entirely　the　true　method　of

investigation　and　to　identify　plausibility　with　truth。



And　as　regards　the　critical　point　urged　by　Palaiphatos；　Strabo；　and

Polybius；　that　pure　invention　on　Homer's　part　is　inconceivable；　we

may　without　scruple　allow　it；　for　myths；　like　constitutions；　grow

gradually；　and　are　not　formed　in　a　day。　　But　between　a　poet's

deliberate　creation　and　historical　accuracy　there　is　a　wide　field

of　the　mythopoeic　faculty。



This　Euhemeristic　theory　was　welcomed　as　an　essentially

philosophical　and　critical　method　by　the　unscientific　Romans；　to

whom　it　was　introduced　by　the　poet　Ennius；　that　pioneer　of

cosmopolitan　Hellenicism；　and　it　continued　to　characterise　the　tone

of　ancient　thought　on　the　question　of　the　treatment　of　mythology

till　the　rise　of　Christianity；　when　it　was　turned　by　such　writers

as　Augustine　and　Minucius　Felix　into　a　formidable　weapon　of　attack

on　Paganism。　　It　was　then　abandoned　by　all　those　who　still　bent　the

knee　to　Athena　or　to　Zeus；　and　a　general　return；　aided　by　the

philosophic　mystics　of　Alexandria；　to　the　allegorising　principle　of

interpretation　took　place；　as　the　only　means　of　saving　the　deities

of　Olympus　from　the　Titan　assaults　of　the　new　Galilean　God。　　In

what　vain　defence；　the　statue　of　Mary　set　in　the　heart　of　the

Pantheon　can　best　tell　us。



Religions；　however；　may　be　absorbed；　but　they　never　are　disproved；

and　the　stories　of　the　Greek　mythology；　spiritualised　by　the

purifying　influence　of　Christianity；　reappear　in　many　of　the

southern　parts　of　Europe　in　our　own　day。　　The　old　fable　that　the

Greek　gods　took　service　with　the　new　religion　under　assumed　names

has　more　truth　in　it　than　the　many　care　to　discover。



Having　now　traced　the　progress　of　historical　criticism　in　the

special　treatment　of　myth　and　legend；　I　shall　proceed　to

investigate　the　form　in　which　the　same　spirit　manifested　itself　as

regards　what　one　may　term　secular　history　and　secular　historians。

The　field　traversed　will　be　found　to　be　in　some　respects　the　same；

but　the　mental　attitude；　the　spirit；　the　motive　of　investigation

are　all　changed。



There　were　heroes　before　the　son　of　Atreus　and　historians　before

Herodotus；　yet　the　latter　is　rightly　hailed　as　the　father　of

history；　for　in　him　we　discover　not　merely　the　empirical　connection

of　cause　and　effect；　but　that　constant　reference　to　Laws；　which　is

the　characteristic　of　the　historian　proper。



For　all　history　must　be　essentially　universal；　not　in　the　sense　of

comprising　all　the　synchronous　events　of　the　past　time；　but　through

the　universality　of　the　principles　employed。　　And　the　great

conceptions　which　unify　the　work　of　Herodotus　are　such　as　even

modern　thought　has　not　yet　rejected。　　The　immediate　government　of

the　world　by　God；　the　nemesis　and　punishment　which　sin　and　pride

invariably　bring　with　them；　the　revealing　of　God's　purpose　to　His

people　by　signs　and　omens；　by　miracles　and　by　prophecy；　these　are

to　Herodotus　the　laws　which　govern　the　phenomena　of　history。　　He　is

essentially　the　type　of　supernatural　historian；　his　eyes　are　ever

strained　to　discern　the　Spirit　of　God　moving　over　the　face　of　the

waters　of　life；　he　is　more　concerned　with　final　than　with　efficient

causes。



Yet　we　can　discern　in　him　the　rise　of　that　HISTORIC　SENSE　which　is

the　rational　antecedent　of　the　science　of　historical　criticism；　the

＇Greek　text　which　cannot　be　reproduced＇；　to　use　the　words　of　a

Greek　writer；　as　opposed　to　that　which　comes　either　＇Greek　text

which　cannot　be　reproduced＇。



He　has　passed　through　the　valley　of　faith　and　has　caught　a　glimpse

of　the　sunlit　heights　of　Reason；　but　like　all　those　who；　while

accepting　the　supernatural；　yet　attempt　to　apply　the　canons　of

rationalism；　he　is　essentially　inconsistent。　　For　the　better

apprehension　of　the　character　of　this　historic　sense　in　Herodotus

it　will　be　necessary　to　examine　at　some　length　the　various　forms　of

criticism　in　which　it　manifests　itself。



Such　fabulous　stories　as　that　of　the　Phoenix；　of　the　goat…footed

men；　of　the　headless　beings　with　eyes　in　their　breasts；　of　the　men

who　slept　six　months　in　the　year　（＇Greek　text　which　cannot　be

reproduced＇）；　of　the　wer…wolf　of　the　Neuri；　and　the　like；　are

entirely　rejected　by　him　as　being　opposed　to　the　ordinary

experience　of　life；　and　to　those　natural　laws　whose　universal

influence　the　early　Greek　physical　philosophers　had　already　made

known　to　the　world　of　thought。　　Other　legends；　such　as　the　suckling

of　Cyrus　by　a　bitch；　or　the　feather…rain　of　northern　Europe；　are

rationalised　and　explained　into　a　woman's　name　and　a　fall　of　snow。

The　supernatural　origin　of　the　Scythian　nation；　from　the　union　of

Hercules　and　the　monstrous　Echidna；　is　set　aside　by　him　for　the

more　probable　account　that　they　were　a　nomad　tribe　driven　by　the

Massagetae　from　Asia；　and　he　appeals　to　the　local　names　of　their

country　as　proof　of　the　fact　that　the　Kimmerians　were　the　original

possessors。



But　in　the　case　of　Herodotus　it　will　be　more　instructive　to　pass　on

from　points　like　these　to　those　questions　of　general　probability；

the　true　apprehension　of　which　depends　rather　on　a　certain　quality

of　mind　than　on　any　possibility　of　formulated　rules；　questions

which　form　no　unimportant　part　of　scientific　history；　for　it　must

be　remembered　always　that　the　canons　of　historical　criticism　are

essentially　different　from　those　of　judicial　evidence；　for　they