the commonwealth of oceana-第14节

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rrupt；　but　corruption　in　this　sense　signifies　no　more　than　that　the　corruption　of　one　government；　as　in　natural　bodies；　is　the　generation　of　another。　Wherefore　if　the　balance　alters　from　monarchy；　the　corruption　of　the　people　in　this　case　is　that　which　makes　them　capable　of　a　commonwealth。　But　whereas　I　am　not　ignorant　that　the　corruption　which　he　means　is　in　manners；　this　also　is　from　the　balance。　For　the　balance　leading　from　monarchical　into　popular　abates　the　luxury　of　the　nobility；　and；　enriching　the　people；　brings　the　government　from　a　more　private　to　a　more　public　interest　which　coming　nearer；　as　has　been　shown；　to　justice　and　right　reason；　the　people　upon　a　like　alteration　is　so　far　from　such　a　corruption　of　manners　as　should　render　them　incapable　of　a　commonwealth；　that　of　necessity　they　must　thereby　contract　such　a　reformation　of　manners　as　will　bear　no　other　kind　of　government。　On　the　other　side；　where　the　balance　changes　from　popular　to　oligarchical　or　monarchical；　the　public　interest；　with　the　reason　and　justice　included　in　the　sane；　becomes　more　private；　luxury　is　introduced　in　the　room　of　temperance；　and　servitude　in　that　of　freedom；　which　causes　such　a　corruption　of　manners　both　in　the　nobility　and　people；　as；　by　the　example　of　Rome　in　the　time　of　the　Triumvirs；　is　more　at　large　discovered　by　the　author　to　have　been　altogether　incapable　of　a　commonwealth。　　　　　But　the　balance　of　Oceana　changing　quite　contrary　to　that　of　Rome；　the　manners　of　the　people　were　not　thereby　corrupted；　but；　on　the　contrary；　adapted　to　a　commonwealth。　For　differences　of　opinion　in　a　people　not　rightly　informed　of　their　balance；　or　a　division　into　parties　（while　there　is　not　any　common　ligament　of　power　sufficient　to　reconcile　or　hold　them）　is　no　sufficient　proof　of　corruption。　Nevertheless；　seeing　this　must　needs　be　matter　of　scandal　and　danger；　it　will　not　be　amiss；　in　showing　what　were　the　parties；　to　show　what　were　their　errors。　　　　　The　parties　into　which　this　nation　was　divided；　were　temporal　or　spiritual；　and　the　temporal　parties　were　especially　two；　the　one　royalists；　the　other　republicans；　each　of　which　asserted　their　different　causes；　either　out　of　prudence　or　ignorance；　out　of　interest　or　conscience。　　　　　For　prudence；　either　that　of　the　ancients　is　inferior　to　the　modern；　which　we　have　hitherto　been　setting　face　to　face；　that　anyone　may　judge；　or　that　of　the　royalist　must　be　inferior　to　that　of　the　commonwealths　man。　And　for　interest；　taking　the　commonwealths　man　to　have　really　intended　the　public；　for　otherwise　he　is　a　hypocrite　and　the　worst　of　men；　that　of　the　royalist　must　of　necessity　have　been　more　private。　Wherefore；　the　whole　dispute　will　come　upon　matter　of　conscience；　and　this；　whether　it　be　urged　by　the　right　of　kings；　the　obligation　of　former　laws；　or　of　the　oath　of　allegiance；　is　absolved　by　the　balance。　　　　　For　if　the　right　of　kings　were　as　immediately　derived　from　the　breath　of　God　as　the　life　of　man；　yet　this　excludes　not　death　and　dissolution。　But；　that　the　dissolution　of　the　late　monarchy　was　as　natural　as　the　death　of　man；　has　been　already　shown。　Wherefore　it　remains　with　the　royalists　to　discover　by　what　reason　or　experience　it　is　possible　for　a　monarchy　to　stand　upon　a　popular　balance；　or；　the　balance　being　popular；　as　well　the　oath　of　allegiance；　as　all　other　monarchical　laws；　imply　an　impossibility；　and　are　therefore　void。　　　　　To　the　commonwealths　man　I　have　no　more　to　say；　but　that　if　he　excludes　any　party；　he　is　not　truly　such；　nor　shall　ever　found　a　commonwealth　upon　the　natural　principle　of　the　same；　which　is　justice。　And　the　royalist　for　having　not　opposed　a　commonwealth　in　Oceana；　where　the　laws　were　so　ambiguous　that　they　might　be　eternally　disputed　and　never　reconciled；　can　neither　be　justly　for　that　cause　excluded　from　his　full　and　equal　share　in　the　government；　nor　prudently　for　this　reason；　that　a　commonwealth　consisting　of　a　party　will　be　in　perpetual　labor　for　her　own　destruction：　whence　it　was　that　the　Romans；　having　conquered　the　Albans；　incorporated　them　with　equal　right　into　the　commonwealth。　And　if　the　royalists　be　〃flesh　of　your　flesh；〃　and　nearer　of　blood　than　were　the　Albans　to　the　Romans；　you　being　also　both　Christians；　the　argument　is　the　stronger。　Nevertheless　there　is　no　reason　that　a　commonwealth　should　any　more　favor　a　party　remaining　in　fixed　opposition　against　it；　than　Brutus　did　his　own　sons。　But　if　it　fixes　them　upon　that　opposition；　it　is　its　own　fault；　not　theirs；　and　this　is　done　by　excluding　them。　Men　that　have　equal　possessions　and　the　same　security　for　their　estates　and　their　liberties　that　you　have；　have　the　same　cause　with　you　to　defend　both；　but　if　you　will　liberty；　though　for　monarchy；　and　be　trampling；　they　fight　for　you　for　tyranny；　though　under　the　name　of　a　commonwealth：　the　nature　of　orders　in　a　government　rightly　instituted　being　void　of　all　jealousy；　because；　let　the　parties　which　it　embraces　be　what　they　will；　its　orders　are　such　as　they　neither　would　resist　if　they　could；　nor　could　if　they　would；　as　has　been　partly　already　shown；　and　will　appear　more　at　large　by　the　following　model。　　　　　The　parties　that　are　spiritual　are　of　more　kinds　than　I　need　mention；　some　for　a　national　religion；　and　others　for　liberty　of　conscience；　with　such　animosity　on　both　sides；　as　if　these　two　could　not　consist　together；　and　of　which　I　have　already　sufficiently　spoken；　to　show　that　indeed　the　one　cannot　well　subsist　without　the　other　But　they　of　all　the　rest　are　the　most　dangerous；　who；　holding　that　the　saints　must　govern；　go　about　to　reduce　the　commonwealth　to　a　party；　as　well　for　the　reasons　already　shown；　as　that　their　pretences　are　against　Scripture；　where　the　saints　are　commanded　to　submit　to　the　higher　powers；　and　to　be　subject　to　the　ordinance　of　man。　And　that　men；　pretending　under　the　notion　of　saints　or　religion　to　civil　power；　have　hitherto　never　failed　to　dishonor　that　profession；　the　world　is　full　of　examples；　whereof　I　shall　confine　myself　at　present　only　to　a　couple；　the　one　of　old；　the　other　of　new　Rome。　　　　　In　old　Rome；　the　patricians　or　nobility　pretending　to　be　the　godly　party；　were　questioned　by　the　people　for　engrossing　all　the　magistracies　of　that　commonwealth；　and　had　nothing　to　say　why　they　did　so；　but　that　magistracy　required　a　kind　of　holiness　which　was　not　in　the　people；　at　which　the　people　were　filled　with　such　indignation　as　had　come　to　cutting　of　throats；　if　the　nobility　had　not　immediately　laid　by　the　insolency　of　that　plea；　which　nevertheless　when　they　had　done；　the　people　for　a　long　time　after　continued　to　elect　no　other　but　patrician　magistrates。　　　　　The　example　of　new　Rome　in　the　rise　and　practice　of　the　hierarchy　（too　well　known　to　require　any　further　illustration）　is　far　more　immodest。　　　　　This　has　been　the　course　of　nature；　and　when　it　has　pleased　or　shall　please　God　to　introduce　anything　that　is　above　the　course　of　nature；　he　will；　as　he　has　always　done；　confirm　it　by　miracle；　for　so　in　his　prophecy　of　the　reign　of　Christ　upon　earth　he　expressly　promises；　seeing　that　〃the　souls　of　them　that　were　beheaded　for　Jesus；　shall　be　seen　to　live　and　reign　with　him；〃　which　will　be　an　object　of　sense；　the　rather；　because　the　rest　of　the　dead　are　not　to　live　again　till　the　thousand　years　be　finished。　And　it　is　not　lawful　for　men　to　persuade　us　that　a　thing　already　is；　though　there　be　no　such　object　of　our　sense；　which　God　has　told　us　shall　not　be　till　it　be　an　object　of　our　sense。　　　　　The　saintship　of　a　people　as　to　government；　consists　in　the　election　of　magistrates　fearing　God；　and　hating　covetousness；　and　not　in　their　confining　themselves；　or　being　confined；　to　men　of　this　or　that　party　or　profession。　It　consists　in　making　the　most　prudent　and　religious　choice　they　can；　yet　not　in　trusting　to　men；　but；　next　God；　to　their　own　orders。　〃Give　us　good　men；　and　they　will　make　us　good　laws；〃　is　the　maxim　of　a　demagogue；　and　is　（through　the　alteration　which　is　commonly　perceivable　in　men；　when　they　have　power　to　work　their　own　wills）　exceeding　fallible。　But　〃give　us　good　orders；　and　they　will　make　us　good　men；〃　is　the　maxim　of　a　legislator；　and　the　most　infallible　in　the　politics。　　　　　But　these　divisions　（however　there　be　some　good　men　that　look　sadly　on　them）　are　trivial　things；　first　as　to　the　civil　concern；　because　the　government；　whereof　this　nation　is　capable；　being　once　seen；　takes　in　all　interests。　And；　secondly；　as　to　the　spiritual；　because　as　the　pretence　of　religion　has　always　been　turbulent　in　broken　governments；　so　where　the　government　has　been　sound　and　steady；　religion　has　never　shown　itself　with　any　other　face　than　that　of　its　natural　sweetness　and　tranquillity；　nor　is　there　any　reason　why　it　should；　wherefore　the　errors　of　the　people　are　occasioned　by　their　governors。　If　they　be　doubtful　of　the　way；　or　wander　from　it；　it　is　because　their　guides　misled　them；　and　the　guides　of　the　people　are　never　so　well　qualified　for　leading　by　any　virtue　of　their　own；　as　by　that　of　the　government。　　　　　The　government　of　Oceana　（as　it　stood　at　the　time　whereof　we　discourse；　consisting　of　one　single　Council　of　the　people；　exclusively　of　the　King　and　the　Lords）　was　called　a　Parliament：　nevertheless　the　parliaments　of　the　Teutons　and　of　the　Neustrians　consisted；　as　has　been