james otis the pre-revolutionist-第5节

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！


　add　the　character　of　the　reigning　king　and　of　the　ministers　to　whom　he　entrusted　his　government　as　the　general　conditions　antecedent　to　the　revolutionary　movement　of　our　fathers。

But　there　were　more　immediate　and　forceful　causes　which　operated　to　the　same　end。　　Among　these　should　be　mentioned　as　a　prevailing　influence　the　right　of　arbitrary　government　claimed　by　Great　Britain　and　at　length　resisted　by　the　colonists。　　The　right　of　arbitrarily　controlling　the　American　states　was　shown　in　a　number　of　specific　acts　which　we　must　here　discuss。

The　first　of　these　was　the　old　Navigation　Act　of　1651。　　The　measure　adopted　by　the　government　of　Cromwell　had　never　been　strenuously　enforced。　　It　was　the　peculiarity　of　all　the　early　legislation　of　Great　Britain　relative　to　the　colonies　that　it　was　either　misdirected　or　permitted　to　lapse　by　disuse。

The　colonies　thus　literally　grew；　with　little　home　direction。　　After　the　navigation　act　had　been　nominally　in　force　for　eighty…two　years　it　was　revived　and　supplemented　by　another　measure　known　as　the　Importation　Act。

This　statute；　dating　from　the　year　1733；　was　intended　to　be　an　actual　device　for　controlling　the　commercial　relations　with　the　colonies。　　By　the　terms　of　the　Act　heavy　duties　were　laid　on　all　the　sugar；　molasses；　and　rum　which　should　be　imported　into　the　colonies。　　The　customs　were　exorbitant　and　were　from　the　first　evaded　as　far　as　possible　by　the　American　merchants。

This　may　be　regarded　as　the　first　actual　breach　of　justice　on　the　one　side　and　good　faith　on　the　other；　as　between　the　home　government　and　the　American　dependencies　of　Great　Britain。

The　reader　will　note　that　the　question　at　issue　was　from　the　first　commercial。　　It　was　a　question　of　taking　something　from　the　colonists　and　of　giving　no　equivalent；　either　in　value　or　political　rights。　　Had　the　American　colonists　been　willing　to　be　taxed　and　searched　without　an　equivalent；　then　would　there　have　been　no　revolution。

It　will　be　noted　from　the　nature　of　the　question　that　the　issue；　since　it　was　a　matter　of　the　merchants；　was　also　a　matter　of　the　cities。　　For　the　merchant　and　the　city　go　together。　　With　the　country　folk　of　the　pre…revolutionary　era；　the　faultfinding　and　dispute　related　always　to　political　questions　properto　questions　of　rights　as　between　the　king　and　his　subjects；　to　questions　of　institutional　forms；　the　best　method　of　governing；　etc。

All　of　these　matters；　however；　could　have　been　easily　adjusted；　and　if　there　were　an　〃if〃　in　history　they　would　have　been　adjusted　without　revolution　and　without　independence。　　The　commercial　question；　however；　involving　money　rights；　and　implying　the　privilege　and　power　of　the　Mother　Country　to　take　from　the　Colonists　their　property；　however　small　the　amount；　could　but　engender　resistance；　and　if　the　claim　were　not　relinquished　could　but　lead　to　war　and　disruption。

The　neglected　growth　of　the　Colonies　had　in　the　meantime　established　in　the　seaboard　towns　of　America；　usages　and　customs　which　were　repugnant　to　British　notions　of　regular　and　orderly　government。　　The　commercial　life　had　taken　a　form　of　its　own。

The　Americans　had　built　ships　and　warehouses。　　They　had　engaged　in　commerce　as　they　would。　　They　had　made　their　trade　as　free　as　possible。　　They　had　ignored　the　old　Navigation　Act；　and　when　the　Importation　Act　was　passed；　it　confronted　a　condition　in　America。

It　applied　to　a　state　of　affairs　that　already　existed。

The　American　ship；　trading　with　the　West　Indies　and　bringing　back　to　Boston　a　cargo　of　molasses　or　rum；　was　met　at　custom　house　with　an　exorbitant　requisition。　　The　officer　acting　under　the　Importation　Act；　virtually　said；　〃Stand　and　deliver。〃

If　it　were　a　British　ship　the　resistance　to　the　duty　would　be　offered　by　the　land　merchants　rather　than　by　the　sea　traders；　for　the　merchants　did　not　desire　that　the　cost　of　the　merchandise　to　themselves　and　their　customers　should　be　doubled　without　some　equivalent　advantage。　　No　equivalent　advantage　was　either　visible　or　invisible。　　What；　therefore；　should　they　do　but　first　evade　and　then　openly　resist？

There　was　an　epoch　of　evasion。　　This　covered　a　period　of　about　seventeen　years；　extending　from　1733　to　1750。　　In　the　latter　year　an　act　was　passed　by　Parliament　forbidding　the　erection　of　iron　works　in　America。　　The　manufacture　of　steel　was　especially　interdicted。　　The　measure　which　was　in　reality　directed　against　shipbuilding　included　a　provision　which　forbade　the　felling　of　pines　outside　of　enclosures。　　It　was　thus　sought　by　indirection　to　prevent　the　creation　of　a　merchant　marine　by　the　American　Colonists　and　to　limit　their　commerce　to　British　ships。　　This　measure　like　the　Importation　Act　was　also　ignored　and　resisted。　　For　eleven　years　the　Americans　persisted　in　their　usual　course；　making　iron；　cutting　pine　timber　and　building　ships；　importing　molasses　and　rum；　evading　the　duties；　and　thus　getting　themselves　into　the　category　of　smugglers。

It　was　this　precise　condition　of　affairs　which　led　to　a　still　more　stringent　measure　on　the　part　of　the　home　government。　　It　was　determined　in　Parliament　to　put　an　end　to　the　evasion　and　resistance　of　the　American　merchants　and　importers　with　respect　to　the　existing　laws。　　The　customs　should　be　collected。　　It　was　deemed　best；　however；　that　the　new　measure　should　issue　from　the　judiciary。

An　appeal　was　made　to　the　Court　of　Exchequer　in　England　for　the　granting　of　search　warrants　to　be　issued　in　America　by　the　king's　officers　for　the　purpose　of　ferreting　out　contraband　goods。　　These　warrants　granted　by　the　Court　of　Exchequer　were　the　Writs　of　Assistance；　the　name　of　which　appears　so　frequently　and　with　so　much　odium　in　the　colonial　history　of　the　times。　　These　writs　were　granted　by　the　court　under　pressure　of　the　ministry　in　the　year　1760。

The　Writs　of　Assistance　were　directed　to　the　officers　of　the　customs　in　America。　　But　any　officer　could　arm　one　of　his　subordinates；　or　indeed　any　other　person　whom　he　should　designate；　with　one　of　the　writs；　and　the　person　so　appointed　might　act　in　the　name　of　the　king's　officer。

The　thing　to　be　done　was　the　examination　of　any　place　and　all　places　where　contraband　goods　might　be　supposed　to　be　lodged。　　Whether　there　were　evidence　or　no　evidence；　the　case　was　the　same。　　The　document　was　a　writ　of　arbitrary　search。

Any　house；　public　or　private；　might　be　entered　at　any　time；　any　closet　or　any　cellar　might　be　opened。　　Neither　the　bridal　chamber　nor　the　room　of　the　dead　was　sacred　on　the　approach　of　any　petty　customs　constable　or　deputy　in　whose　hands　a　Writ　of　Assistance　had　been　placed。　　The　antecedent　proceedings　required　no　affidavit　or　any　other　legal　formality。　　The　object　was　to　lay　bare　the　whole　privacy　of　a　people　on　sheer　suspicion　of　smuggling。

It　could　hardly　be　supposed　that　our　fathers　would　tamely　submit　to　such　an　odious　and　despotic　procedure。　　To　have　done　so　would　have　been　to　subscribe　to　a　statute　for　their　own　enslavement。　　Nor　may　we　pass　from　the　consideration　of　these　writs　and　the　resistance　offered　thereto　by　the　patriots　of　all　our　colonies　without　noticing　the　un…English　character　of　these　laws。

Of　a　certainty　Englishmen　in　whatever　continent　or　island　of　this　world　would　never　tolerate　such　a　tyrannical　interference　with　their　rights。　　This　was　demonstrated　not　only　in　America；　but　in　England　also。

The　issuance　in　England　of　just　such　illegal　and　arbitrary　warrants　was　one　of　the　causes　that　led　to　the　tremendous　agitation　headed　by　John　Wilkes。　　The　excitement　in　that　controversy　grew；　and　notwithstanding　the　repeated　arrests　of　Wilkes　and　his　expulsions　from　Parliament；　his　reelection　was　repeated　as　often；　and　his　following　increased　until　not　only　the　ministry　but　the　throne　itself　was　shaken　by　the　cry　of　〃Wilkes　and　Liberty。〃　　Nor　did　this　well…timed　ebullition　of　human　rights　subside　until　the　arbitrary　warrants　were　annulled　by　a　decision　of　the　King's　Bench。

It　was　the　trial　of　this　issue　in　America　that　brought　on　the　Revolution。　　It　was　a　great　cause　that　had　to　be　pleaded；　and　the　occasion　and　the　city　and　the　man；　were　as　great　as　the　cause。　　The　parties　to　it　were　clearly　defined；　and　were　set　in　sharp　antagonism。

On　the　one　side　were　the　king's　officers　in　the　province；　headed　by　the　governor。　　This　following　included　the　officers　of　the　customs　in　particular。　　It　also　included　the　not　inconsiderable　class　of　American　respectabilities　who　were　feeble　in　American　sentiments；　and　who　belonged　by　nature　and　affiliation　to　the　established　order。　　These　were　the　loyalists；　destined　to　be　designated　as　Tories；　and　to　become　the　bete　noire　of　patriotism。

On　the　other　side　was　a　whole　phalanx　of　the　common　peoplea　phalanx　bounded　on　the　popular　side　by　the　outskirt　of　society　and　on　the　high…up　side　by　the　intellectual　and　philosophical　patriots　who　were　as　pronounced　as　any　for　the　cause　of　their　country；　and　with　better　reason　than　the　reason　of　the　many。

The　officers　of　the　province　elected　by　the　home　folks　were　all　patriots；　but　the　appointed　officers　of　the　crown　were　quite　unanimous　for　the　prerogative　of　the　crown；　holding　severe　measures　should　be　taken　with　the　resisting　colonists；　and　in　particular　that　the　Writs　of　Assistance　were　good　law　and