the essays of montaigne, v13-第2节

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it　with　which　they　had　dragged　him　all　night　at　a　horse's　tail；　his　body
wounded　in　a　hundred　places；　with　stabs　of　daggers　that　had　been　given
him；　not　to　kill　him；　but　to　put　him　to　pain　and　to　affright　him；　who　had
endured　all　this；　and　even　to　being　speechless　and　insensible；　resolved；
as　he　himself　told　me；　rather　to　die　a　thousand　deaths　（as　indeed；　as　to
matter　of　suffering；　he　had　borne　one）　before　he　would　promise　anything；
and　yet　he　was　one　of　the　richest　husbandmen　of　all　the　country。　　How
many　have　been　seen　patiently　to　suffer　themselves　to　be　burnt　and
roasted　for　opinions　taken　upon　trust　from　others；　and　by　them　not　at　all
understood？　　I　have　known　a　hundred　and　a　hundred　women　（for　Gascony　has
a　certain　prerogative　for　obstinacy）　whom　you　might　sooner　have　made　eat
fire　than　forsake　an　opinion　they　had　conceived　in　anger。　　They　are　all
the　more　exasperated　by　blows　and　constraint。　　And　he　that　made　the　story
of　the　woman　who；　in　defiance　of　all　correction；　threats；　and
bastinadoes；　ceased　not　to　call　her　husband　lousy　knave；　and　who　being
plunged　over　head　and　ears　in　water；　yet　lifted　her　hands　above　her　head
and　made　a　sign　of　cracking　lice；　feigned　a　tale　of　which；　in　truth；　we
every　day　see　a　manifest　image　in　the　obstinacy　of　women。　　And　obstinacy
is　the　sister　of　constancy；　at　least　in　vigour　and　stability。

We　are　not　to　judge　what　is　possible　and　what　is　not；　according　to　what
is　credible　and　incredible　to　our　apprehension；　as　I　have　said　elsewhere
and　it　is　a　great　fault；　and　yet　one　that　most　men　are　guilty　of；　which；
nevertheless；　I　do　not　mention　with　any　reflection　upon　Bodin；　to　make　a
difficulty　of　believing　that　in　another　which　they　could　not　or　would　not
do　themselves。　　Every　one　thinks　that　the　sovereign　stamp　of　human　nature
is　imprinted　in　him；　and　that　from　it　all　others　must　take　their　rule；
and　that　all　proceedings　which　are　not　like　his　are　feigned　and　false。
Is　anything　of　another's　actions　or　faculties　proposed　to　him？　the　first
thing　he　calls　to　the　consultation　of　his　judgment　is　his　own　example；
and　as　matters　go　with　him；　so　they　must　of　necessity　do　with　all　the
world　besides　dangerous　and　intolerable　folly！　　For　my　part；　I　consider
some　men　as　infinitely　beyond　me；　especially　amongst　the　ancients；　and
yet；　though　I　clearly　discern　my　inability　to　come　near　them　by　a
thousand　paces；　I　do　not　forbear　to　keep　them　in　sight；　and　to　judge　of
what　so　elevates　them；　of　which　I　perceive　some　seeds　in　myself；　as　I
also　do　of　the　extreme　meanness　of　some　other　minds；　which　I　neither　am
astonished　at　nor　yet　misbelieve。　　I　　very　well　perceive　the　turns　those
great　souls　take　to　raise　　themselves　to　such　a　pitch；　and　admire　their
grandeur；　and　those　flights　that　I　think　the　bravest　I　could　be　glad　to
imitate；　where；　though　I　want　wing；　yet　my　judgment　readily　goes　along
with　them。　　The　other　example　he　introduces　of　〃things　incredible　and
wholly　fabulous；〃　delivered　by　Plutarch；　is；　that　〃Agesilaus　was　fined　by
the　Ephori　for　having　wholly　engrossed　the　hearts　and　affections　of　his
citizens　to　himself　alone。〃　　And　herein　I　do　not　see　what　sign　of　falsity
is　to　be　found：　clearly　Plutarch　speaks　of　things　that　must　needs　be
better　known　to　him　than　to　us；　and　it　was　no　new　thing　in　Greece　to　see
men　punished　and　exiled　for　this　very　thing；　for　being　too　acceptable　to
the　people；　witness　the　Ostracism　and　Petalism。　＇Ostracism　at　Athens
was　banishment　for　ten　years；　petalism　at　Syracuse　was　banishment　for
five　years。＇

There　is　yet　in　this　place　another　accusation　laid　against　Plutarch　which
I　cannot　well　digest；　where　Bodin　says　that　he　has　sincerely　paralleled
Romans　with　Romans；　and　Greeks　amongst　themselves；　but　not　Romans　with
Greeks；　witness；　says　he；　Demosthenes　and　Cicero；　Cato　and　Aristides；
Sylla　and　Lysander；　Marcellus　and　Pelopidas；　Pompey　and　Agesilaus；
holding　that　he　has　favoured　the　Greeks　in　giving　them　so　unequal
companions。　　This　is　really　to　attack　what　in　Plutarch　is　most　excellent
and　most　to　be　commended；　for　in　his　parallels　（which　is　the　most
admirable　part　of　all　his　works；　and　with　which；　in　my　opinion；　he　is
himself　the　most　pleased）　the　fidelity　and　sincerity　of　his　judgments
equal　their　depth　and　weight；　he　is　a　philosopher　who　teaches　us　virtue。
Let　us　see　whether　we　cannot　defend　him　from　this　reproach　of　falsity　and
prevarication。　　All　that　I　can　imagine　could　give　occasion　to　this
censure　is　the　great　and　shining　lustre　of　the　Roman　names　which　we　have
in　our　minds；　it　does　not　seem　likely　to　us　that　Demosthenes　could　rival
the　glory　of　a　consul；　proconsul；　and　proctor　of　that　great　Republic；　but
if　a　man　consider　the　truth　of　the　thing；　and　the　men　in　themselves；
which　is　Plutarch's　chiefest　aim；　and　will　rather　balance　their　manners；
their　natures；　and　parts；　than　their　fortunes；　I　think；　contrary　to
Bodin；　that　Cicero　and　the　elder　Cato　come　far　short　of　the　men　with　whom
they　are　compared。　　I　should　sooner；　for　his　purpose；　have　chosen　the
example　of　the　younger　Cato　compared　with　Phocion；　for　in　this　couple
there　would　have　been　a　more　likely　disparity；　to　the　Roman's　advantage。
As　to　Marcellus；　Sylla；　and　Pompey；　I　very　well　discern　that　their
exploits　of　war　are　greater　and　more　full　of　pomp　and　glory　than　those　of
the　Greeks；　whom　Plutarch　compares　with　them；　but　the　bravest　and　most
virtuous　actions　any　more　in　war　than　elsewhere；　are　not　always　the　most
renowned。　　I　often　see　the　names　of　captains　obscured　by　the　splendour　of
other　names　of　less　desert；　witness　Labienus；　Ventidius；　Telesinus；　and
several　others。　　And　to　take　it　by　that；　were　I　to　complain　on　the　behalf
of　the　Greeks；　could　I　not　say；　that　Camillus　was　much　less　comparable　to
Themistocles；　the　Gracchi　to　Agis　and　Cleomenes；　and　Numa　to　Lycurgus？
But　'tis　folly　to　judge；　at　one　view；　of　things　that　have　so　many
aspects。　　When　Plutarch　compares　them；　he　does　not；　for　all　that；　make
them　equal；　who　could　more　learnedly　and　sincerely　have　marked　their
distinctions？　　Does　he　parallel　the　victories；　feats　of　arms；　the　force
of　the　armies　conducted　by　Pompey；　and　his　triumphs；　with　those　of
Agesilaus？　　〃I　do　not　believe；〃　says　he；　〃that　Xenophon　himself；　if　he
were　now　living；　though　he　were　allowed　to　write　whatever　pleased　him　to
the　advantage　of　Agesilaus；　would　dare　to　bring　them　into　comparison。〃
Does　he　speak　of　paralleling　Lysander　to　Sylla。　　〃There　is；〃　says　he；
〃no　comparison；　either　in　the　number　of　victories　or　in　the　hazard　of
battles；　for　Lysander　only　gained　two　naval　battles。〃　　This　is　not　to
derogate　from　the　Romans；　for　having　only　simply　named　them　with　the
Greeks；　he　can　have　done　them　no　injury；　what　disparity　soever　there　may
be　betwixt　them　and　Plutarch　does　not　entirely　oppose　them　to　one
another；　there　is　no　preference　in　general；　he　only　compares　the　pieces
and　circumstances　one　after　another；　and　gives　of　every　one　a　particular
and　separate　judgment。　　Wherefore；　if　any　one　could　convict　him　of
partiality；　he　ought　to　pick　out　some　one　of　those　particular　judgments；
or　say；　in　general；　that　he　was　mistaken　in　comparing　such　a　Greek　to
such　a　Roman；　when　there　were　others　more　fit　and　better　resembling　to
parallel　him　to。




CHAPTER　XXXIII

THE　STORY　OF　SPURINA

Philosophy　thinks　she　has　not　ill　employed　her　talent　when　she　has　given
the　sovereignty　of　the　soul　and　the　authority　of　restraining　our
appetites　to　reason。　　Amongst　which；　they　who　judge　that　there　is　none
more　violent　than　those　which　spring　from　love；　have　this　opinion　also；
that　they　seize　both　body　and　soul；　and　possess　the　whole　man；　so　that
even　health　itself　depends　upon　them；　and　medicine　is　sometimes
constrained　to　pimp　for　them；　but　one　might；　on　the　contrary；　also　say；
that　the　mixture　of　the　body　brings　an　abatement　and　weakening；　for　such
desires　are　subject　to　satiety；　and　capable　of　material　remedies。

Many；　being　determined　to　rid　their　soul　from　the　continual　alarms　of
this　appetite；　have　made　use　of　incision　and　amputation　of　the　rebelling
members；　others　have　subdued　their　force　and　ardour　by　the　frequent
application　of　cold　things；　as　snow　and　vinegar。　　The　sackcloths　of　our
ancestors　were　for　this　purpose；　which　is　cloth　woven　of　horse　hair；　of
which　some　of　them　made　shirts；　and　others　girdles；　to　torture　and
correct　their　reins。　　A　prince；　not　long　ago；　told　me　that　in　his　youth
upon　a　solemn　festival　in　the　court　of　King　Francis　I。；　where　everybody
was　finely　dressed；　he　would　needs　put　on　his　father's　hair　shirt；　which
was　still　kept　in　the　house；　but　how　great　soever　his　devotion　was；　he
had　not　patience　to　wear　it　till　night；　and　was　sick　a　long　time　after；
adding　withal；　that　he　did　not　think　there　could　be　any　youthful　heat　so
fierce　that　the　use　of　this　recipe　would　not　mortify；　and　yet　perhaps　he
never　essayed　the　most　violent；　for　experience　shows　us；　that　such
emotions　are　often　seen　under　rude　and　slovenly　clothes；　and　that　a　hair
shirt　does　not　always　render　those　chaste　who　wear　it。

Xenocrates　proceeded　with　greater　rigour　in　this　affair；　for　his
disciples；　to　make　trial　of　his　continency；　having　slipt　Lais；　that
beautiful　and　famous　courtes