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doubtless; in the property sense belong to loyal owners; and hence

Provision is made in this article for compensating such。



The third article relates to the future of the freed people。  It does

not oblige; but merely authorizes Congress to aid in colonizing such

as may consent。  This ought nut to be regarded as objectionable on

the one hand or on the other; insomuch as it comes to nothing unless

by the mutual consent of the people to be deported and the American

voters through their representatives in Congress。



I cannot make it better known than it already is that I strongly

favor colonization; and yet I wish to say there is an objection urged

against free colored persons remaining in the country which is

largely imaginary; if not sometimes malicious。



It is insisted that their presence would injure and displace white

labor and white laborers。  If there ever could be a proper time for

mere catch arguments that time surely is not now。  In times like the

present men should utter nothing for which they would not willingly

be responsible through time and in eternity。  Is it true; then; that

colored people can displace any more white labor by being free than

by remaining slaves?  If they stay in their old places; they jostle

no white laborers; if they leave their old places; they leave them

open to white laborers。  Logically; there is neither more nor less of

it。  Emancipation; even without deportation; would probably enhance

the wages of white labor; and very surely would not reduce them。

Thus the customary amount of labor would still have to be performed。

The freed people would surely not do more than their old proportion

of it; and very probably for a time would do less; leaving an

increased part to white laborers; bringing their labor into greater

demand; and consequently enhancing the wages of it。  With

deportation; even to a limited extent; enhanced wages to white labor

is mathematically certain。  Labor is like any other commodity in the

market…increase the demand for it and you increase the price of it。

Reduce the supply of black labor by colonizing the black laborer out

of the country; and by precisely so much you increase the demand for

and wages of white labor。



But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth and cover

the whole land。  Are they not already in the land?  Will liberation

make them any more numerous?  Equally distributed among the whites of

the whole country; and there would be but one colored to seven

whites。  Could the one in any way greatly disturb the seven?  There

are many communities now having more than one free colored person to

seven whites; and this without any apparent consciousness of evil

from it。  The District of Columbia and the States of Maryland and

Delaware are all in this condition。  The District has more than one

free colored to six whites; and yet in its frequent petitions to

Congress I believe it has never presented the presence of free

colored persons as one of its grievances。  But why should

emancipation South send the free people North?  People of any color

seldom run unless there be something to run from。  Heretofore colored

people to some extent have fled North from bondage; and now; perhaps;

from both bondage and destitution。  But if gradual emancipation and

deportation be adopted; they will have neither to flee from。  Their

old masters will give them wages at least until new laborers can be

procured; and the freedmen in turn will gladly give their labor for

the wages till new homes can be found for them in congenial climes

and with people of their own blood and race。  This proposition can be

trusted on the mutual interests involved。  And in any event; cannot

the North decide for itself whether to receive them?



Again; as practice proves more than theory in any case; has there

been any irruption of colored people northward because of the

abolishment of slavery in this District last spring?



What I have said of the proportion of free colored persons to the

whites in the District is from the census of 1860; having no

reference to persons called contrabands nor to those made free by the

act of Congress abolishing slavery here。



The plan consisting of these articles is recommended; not but that a

restoration of the national authority would be accepted without its

adoption。



Nor will the war nor proceedings under the proclamation of September

22; 1862; be stayed because of the recommendation of this plan。  Its

timely adoption; I doubt not; would bring restoration; and thereby

stay both。



And notwithstanding this plan; the recommendation that Congress

provide by law for compensating any State which may adopt

emancipation before this plan shall have been acted upon is hereby

earnestly renewed。  Such would be only an advance part of the plan;

and the same arguments apply to both。



This plan is recommended as a means; not in exclusion of; but

additional to; all others for restoring and preserving the national

authority throughout the Union。  The subject is presented exclusively

in its economical aspect。  The plan would; I am confident; secure

peace more speedily and maintain it more permanently than can be done

by force alone; while all it would cost; considering amounts and

manner of payment and times of payment; would be easier paid than

will be the additional cost of the war if we rely solely upon force。

It is much; very much; that it would cost no blood at all。



The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law。  It cannot

become such without the concurrence of; first; two thirds of

Congress; and afterwards three fourths of the States。  The requisite

three fourths of the States will necessarily include seven of the

slave States。  Their concurrence; if obtained; will give assurance of

their severally adopting emancipation at no very distant day upon the

new constitutional terms。  This assurance would end the struggle now

and save the Union forever。



I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper

addressed to the Congress of the nation by the chief magistrate of

the nation; nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors; nor that

many of you have more experience than I in the conduct of public

affairs。  Yet I trust that in view of the great responsibility

resting upon me you will perceive no want of respect to yourselves in

any undue earnestness I may seem to display。



Is it doubted; then; that the plan I propose; if adopted; would

shorten the war; and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of

blood?  Is it doubted that it would restore the national authority

and national prosperity and perpetuate both indefinitely?  Is it

doubted that we hereCongress and executivecan secure its

adoption?  Will not the good people respond to a united and earnest

appeal from us?  Can we; can they; by any other means so certainly or

so speedily assure these vital objects?  We can succeed only by

concert。  It is not 〃Can any of us imagine better?〃 but 〃Can we all

do better?〃 Object whatsoever is possible; still the question recurs;

〃Can we do better?〃 The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to

the stormy present。  The occasion is piled high with difficulty; and

we must rise with the occasion。  As our case is new; so we must think

anew and act anew。  We must disenthrall ourselves; and then we shall

save our country。



Fellow…citizens; we can not escape history。  We of this Congress and

this administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves。  No

personal significance or insignificance can spare one or another of

us。  The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down in

honor or dishonor to the latest generation。  We say we are for the

Union。  The world will not forget that we say this。  We know how to

save the Union。  The world knows we do know how to save it。  We; even

we here; hold the power and bear the responsibility。  In giving

freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the freehonorable alike

in what we give and what we preserve。  We shall nobly save or meanly

lose the last; best hope of earth。  Other means may succeed; this

could not fail。  The way is plain; peaceful; generous; justa way

which if followed the world will forever applaud and God must forever

bless。



ABRAHAM LINCOLN。









MESSAGE TO CONGRESS。



WASHINGTON; December 3; 1862。



TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:



On the 3d of November; 1861; a collision took place off the coast of

Cuba between the United States war steamer San Jacinto and the French

brig Jules et Marie; resulting in serious damage to the latter。  The

obligation of this Government to make amends therefor could not be

questioned if the injury resulted from any fault On the part of the

San Jacinto。  With a view to ascertain this; the subject was referred

to a commission of the United States and French naval officers at New

York; with a naval officer of Italy

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