the writings-6-第27节
按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！
do so。
Very truly your friend；
A。 LINCOLN。
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL A。 E。 BURNSIDE。
EXECUTIVE MANSION； WASHINGTON； November 25； 1862。
MAJOR…GENERAL BURNSIDE； Falmouth； Virginia：
If I should be in boat off Aquia Creek at dark tomorrow （Wednesday）
evening； could you； without inconvenience； meet me and pass an hour
or two with me？
A。 LINCOLN。
TO ATTORNEY…GENERAL BATES。
EXECUTIVE MANSION； WASHINGTON；
November 29； 1862。
HON。 ATTORNEY…GENERAL。
MY DEAR SIR：Few things perplex me more than this question between
Governor Gamble and the War Department； as to whether the peculiar
force organized by the former in Missouri are State troops or United
States troops。 Now； this is either an immaterial or a mischievous
question。 First； if no more is desired than to have it settled what
name the force is to be called by； it is immaterial。 Secondly； if it
is desired for more than the fixing a name； it can only be to get a
position from which to draw practical inferences； then it is
mischievous。 Instead of settling one dispute by deciding the
question； I should merely furnish a nest…full of eggs for hatching
new disputes。 I believe the force is not strictly either 〃State
troops〃 or 〃United States troops。〃 It is of mixed character。 I
therefore think it is safer； when a practical question arises； to
decide that question directly； and not indirectly by deciding a
general abstraction supposed to include it； and also including a
great deal more。 Without dispute Governor Gamble appoints the
officers of this force； and fills vacancies when they occur。 The
question now practically in dispute is： Can Governor Gamble make a
vacancy by removing an officer or accepting a resignation？ Now；
while it is proper that this question shall be settled； I do not
perceive why either Governor Gamble or the government here should
care which way it is settled。 I am perplexed with it only because
there seems to be pertinacity about it。 It seems to me that it might
be either way without injury to the service； or that the offer of the
Secretary of War to let Governor Gamble make vacancies； and he （the
Secretary） to ratify the making of them； ought to be satisfactory。
Yours truly；
A。 LINCOLN
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL CURTIS。
＇Cipher。＇
WASHINGTON； November 30； 1862。
MAJOR…GENERAL CURTIS； Saint Louis； Missouri：
Frank Blair wants Manter's Thirty…second； Curly's Twenty seventh；
Boyd's Twenty…fourth and the Ninth and Tenth Cavalry to go with him
down the river。 I understand it is with you to decide whether he
shall have them and if so； and if also it is consistent with the
public service； you will oblige me a good deal by letting him have
them。
A。 LINCOLN。
ON EXECUTING 300 INDIANS
LETTER TO JUDGE…ADVOCATE…GENERAL。
EXECUTIVE MANSION； WASHINGTON；
December 1； 1862。
JUDGE…ADVOCATE…GENERAL。
SIR：Three hundred Indians have been sentenced to death in Minnesota
by a military commission； and execution only awaits my action。 I
wish your legal opinion whether if I should conclude to execute only
a part of them； I must myself designate which； or could I leave the
designation to some officer on the ground？
Yours very truly；
A。 LINCOLN。
ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS；
DECEMBER 1； 1862。
FELLOW…CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Since
your last annual assembling another year of health and bountiful
harvests has passed； and while it has not pleased the Almighty to
bless us with a return of peace； we can but press on； guided by the
best light he gives us； trusting that in his own good time and wise
way all will yet be well。
The correspondence touching foreign affairs which has taken place
during the last year is herewith submitted； in virtual compliance
with a request to that effect； made by the House of Representatives
near the close of the last session of Congress。
If the condition of our relations with other nations is less
gratifying than it has usually been at former periods； it is
certainly more satisfactory than a nation so unhappily distracted as
we are might reasonably have apprehended。 In the month of June last
there were some grounds to expect that the maritime powers which； at
the beginning of our domestic difficulties； so unwisely and
unnecessarily； as we think； recognized the insurgents as a
belligerent； would soon recede from that position； which has proved
only less injurious to themselves than to our own country。 But the
temporary reverses which afterward befell the national arms； and
which were exaggerated by our own disloyal citizens abroad； have
hitherto delayed that act of simple justice。
The civil war； which has so radically changed； for the moment； the
occupations and habits of the American people； has necessarily
disturbed the social condition； and affected very deeply the
prosperity； of the nations with which we have carried on a commerce
that has been steadily increasing throughout a period of half a
century。 It has； at the same time； excited political ambitions and
apprehensions which have produced a profound agitation throughout the
civilized world。 In this unusual agitation we have forborne from
taking part in any controversy between foreign states； and between
parties or factions in such states。 We have attempted no
propagandism and acknowledged no revolution； but we have left to
every nation the exclusive conduct and management of its own affairs。
Our struggle has been； of course； contemplated by foreign nations
with reference less to its own merits than to its supposed and often
exaggerated effects and consequences resulting to those nations
themselves； nevertheless； complaint on the part of this government；
even if it were just； would certainly be unwise。
The treaty with Great Britain for the suppression of the slave trade
has been put into operation with a good prospect of complete success。
It is an occasion of special pleasure to acknowledge that the
execution of it on the part of her Majesty's government has been
marked with a jealous respect for the authority of the United States
and the rights of their moral and loyal citizens。
The convention with Hanover for the abolition of the state dues has
been carried into full effect under the act of Congress for that
purpose。
A blockade of 3000 miles of seacoast could not be established and
vigorously enforced in a season of great commercial activity like the
present without committing occasional mistakes and inflicting
unintentional injuries upon foreign nations and their subjects。
A civil war occurring in a country where foreigners reside and carry
on trade under treaty stipulations is necessarily fruitful of
complaints of the violation of neutral rights。 All such collisions
tend to excite misapprehensions； and possibly to produce mutual
reclamations between nations which have a common interest in
preserving peace and friendship。 In clear cases of these kinds I
have so far as possible heard and redressed complaints which have
been presented by friendly powers。 There is still； however； a large
and an augmenting number of doubtful cases upon which the government
is unable to agree with the governments whose protection is demanded
by the claimants。 There are； moreover； many cases in which the
United States or their citizens suffer wrongs from the naval or
military authorities of foreign nations which the governments of
those states are not at once prepared to redress。 I have proposed to
some of the foreign states thus interested mutual conventions to
examine and adjust such complaints。 This proposition has been made
especially to Great Britain； to France； to Spain； and to Prussia。 In
each case it has been kindly received； but has not yet been formally
adopted。
I deem it my duty to recommend an appropriation in behalf of the
owners of the Norwegian bark Admiral P。 Tordenskiold； which vessel
was in May； 1861； prevented by the commander of the blockading force
off Charleston from leaving that port with cargo； notwithstanding a
similar privilege had shortly before been granted to an English
vessel。 I have directed the Secretary of State to cause the papers
in the case to be communicated to the proper committees。
Applications have been made to me by many free Americans of African
descent to favor their emigration； with a view to such colonization
as was contemplated in recent acts of Congress； Other parties； at
home and abroadsome from interested motives； others upon patriotic
considerations； and still others influenced by philanthropic
sentimentshave suggested similar measures； while； on the other
hand； several of the Spanish American republics have protested
against the sending of such colonies to their respective territories。
Under these circumstances I have declined
