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Herewith is the draft of the bill to compensate any State which may

abolish slavery within its limits; the passage of which;

substantially as presented; I respectfully and earnestly recommend。



ABRAHAM LINCOLN。





Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the

United States of America in Congress assembled:That whenever the

President of the United States shall be satisfied that any State

shall have lawfully abolished slavery within and through…out such

State; either immediately or gradually; it shall be the duty of the

President; assisted by the Secretary of the Treasury; to prepare and

deliver to each State an amount of six per cent。 interest…bearing

bonds of the United States equal to the aggregate value at ______

dollars per head of all the slaves within such State; as reported by

the census of 1860; the whole amount for any one State to be

delivered at once if the abolishment be immediate; or in equal annual

instalments if it be gradual; interest to begin running on each bond

at the time of delivery; and not before。



And be it further enacted; That if any State; having so received any

such bonds; shall at any time afterwards by law reintroduce or

tolerate slavery within its limits; contrary to the act of

abolishment upon which such bonds shall have been received; said

bonds so received by said State shall at once be null and void; in

whosesoever hands they may be; and such State shall refund to the

United States all interest which may have been paid on such bonds。









TELEGRAM TO GENERAL H。 W。 HALLECK。



WAR DEPARTMENT; July 14; 1862。



MAJOR…GENERAL HALLECK; Corinth; Mississippi:



I am very anxiousalmost impatientto have you here。  Have due

regard to what you leave behind。  When can you reach here?



A。 LINCOLN。









TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G。 B。 McCLELLAN。



WAR DEPARTMENT; WASHINGTON CITY; July 14; 1862。



MAJOR…GENERAL McCLELLAN:



General Burnside's force is at Newport News; ready to move; on short

notice; one way or the other; when ordered。



A。 LINCOLN。









TO SOLOMON FOOT。



EXECUTIVE MANSION; WASHINGTON; July 15; 1862。



HON。 SOLOMON FOOT;  President pro tempore of the Senate。



SIR:… Please inform the Senate that I shall be obliged if they will

postpone the adjournment at least one day beyond the time which I

understand to be now fixed for it。



Your obedient servant;



ABRAHAM LINCOLN。



'The same message was addressed to Hon。 Galusha A。 Grow Speaker of

the House of Representatives。'









MESSAGE TO CONGRESS。



July 17; 1862。



FELLOW…CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF

REPRESENTATIVES:



I have inadvertently omitted so long to inform you that in March last

Mr。 Cornelius Vanderbilt; of New York; gratuitously presented to the

United States the ocean steamer Vanderbilt; by many esteemed the

finest merchant ship in the world。  She has ever since been and still

is doing valuable service to the government。  For the patriotic act

of making this magnificent and valuable present to the country I

recommend that some suitable acknowledgment be made。



ABRAHAM LINCOLN。









MESSAGE TO CONGRESS。



July 17; 1862。



FELLOW…CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF

REPRESENTATIVES:



Considering the bill for 〃An act to suppress insurrection; to punish

treason and rebellion; to seize and confiscate the property of

rebels; and for other purposes;〃 and the joint resolution explanatory

of said act as being substantially one; I have approved and signed

both。



Before I was informed of the passage of the resolution I had prepared

the draft of a message stating objections to the bill becoming a law;

a copy of which draft is herewith transmitted。



ABRAHAM LINCOLN。









FELLOW…CITIZENS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:



I herewith return to your honorable body; in which it originated; the

bill for an act entitled 〃An act to suppress treason and rebellion;

to seize and confiscate the property of rebels; and for other

purposes;〃 together with my objections to its becoming a law。



There is much in the bill to which I perceive no objection。  It is

wholly prospective; and touches neither person nor property of any

loyal citizen; in which particulars it is just and proper。  The first

and second sections provide for the conviction and punishment of

persons Who shall be guilty of treason and persons who shall 〃incite;

set on foot; assist; or  engage in any rebellion or insurrection

against the authority of the United States or the laws thereof; or

shall give aid and comfort thereto; or shall engage in or give aid

and comfort to any such existing rebellion or insurrection。〃 By fair

construction persons within these sections are not to be punished

without regular trials in duly constituted courts; under the forms

and all the substantial provisions of law and of the Constitution

applicable to their several cases。  To this I perceive no objection;

especially as such persons would be within the general pardoning

power and also the special provision for pardon and amnesty contained

in this act。



It is also provided that the slaves of persons convicted under these

sections shall be free。  I think there is an unfortunate form of

expression rather than a substantial objection in this。  It is

startling to say that Congress can free a slave within a State; and

yet if it were said the ownership of the slave had first been

transferred to the nation and that Congress had then liberated him

the difficulty would at once vanish。  And this is the real case。  The

traitor against the General Government forfeits his slave at least as

justly as he does any other property; and he forfeits both to the

government against which be offends。  The government; so far as there

can be ownership; thus owns the forfeited slaves; and the question

for Congress in regard to them is; 〃Shall they be made free or be

sold to new masters?〃 I perceive no objection to Congress deciding in

advance that they shall be free。   To the high honor of Kentucky; as

I am informed; she is the owner of some slaves by escheat; and has

sold none; but liberated all。  I hope the same is true of some other

States。  Indeed; I do not believe it will be physically possible for

the General Government to return persons so circumstanced to actual

slavery。  I believe there would be physical resistance to it which

could neither be turned aside by argument nor driven away by force。

In this view I have no objection to this feature of the bill。

Another matter involved in these two sections; and running through

other parts of the act; will be noticed hereafter。



I perceive no objection to the third or fourth sections。



So far as I wish to notice the fifth and sixth sections; they may be

considered together。  That the enforcement of these sections would do

no injustice to the persons embraced within them; is clear。  That

those who make a causeless war should be compelled to pay the cost of

it; is too obviously just to be called in question。  To give

governmental protection to the property of persons who have abandoned

it; and gone on a crusade to overthrow the same government; is

absurd; if considered in the mere light of justice。  The severest

justice may not always be the best policy。  The principle of seizing

and appropriating the property of the persons embraced within these

sections is certainly not very objectionable; but a justly

discriminating application of it would be very difficult and; to a

great extent; impossible。  And would it not be wise to place a power

of remission somewhere; so that these persons may know they have

something to lose by persisting and something to gain by desisting?



'A man without hope is a most dangerous manhe has nothing to lose!'



I am not sure whether such power of remission is or is not in section

thirteen。  Without any special act of Congress; I think our military

commanders; whenin military phrase; 〃they are within the enemy's

country;〃 should; in an orderly manner; seize and use whatever of

real or personal property may be necessary or convenient for their

commands; at the same time preserving; in some way; the evidence of

what they do。



What I have said in regard to slaves; while commenting on the first

and second sections; is applicable to the ninth; with the difference

that no provision is made in the whole act for determining whether a

particular individual slave does or does not fall within the classes

defined in that section。  He is to be free upon certain conditions

but whether those conditions do or do not pertain to him no mode of

ascertaining is provided。  This could be easily supplied。



To the tenth section I make no objection。  The oath therein required

seems to be proper; and the remainder of the section is substantially

identical with a law already existing。



The eleventh 

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