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hands。　　The　only　sure　foundations　of　medicine　are；　an　intimate

knolege　of　the　human　body；　and　observation　on　the　effects　of

medicinal　substances　on　that。　　The　anatomical　&　clinical　schools；

therefore；　are　those　in　which　the　young　physician　should　be　formed。

If　he　enters　with　innocence　that　of　the　theory　of　medicine；　it　is

scarcely　possible　he　should　come　out　untainted　with　error。　　His　mind

must　be　strong　indeed；　if；　rising　above　juvenile　credulity；　it　can

maintain　a　wise　infidelity　against　the　authority　of　his　instructors；

&　the　bewitching　delusions　of　their　theories。　　You　see　that　I

estimate　justly　that　portion　of　instruction　which　our　medical

students　derive　from　your　labors；　&；　associating　with　it　one　of　the

chairs　which　my　old　&　able　friend；　Doctor　Rush；　so　honorably　fills；　I

consider　them　as　the　two　fundamental　pillars　of　the　edifice。　　Indeed；

I　have　such　an　opinion　of　the　talents　of　the　professors　in　the　other

branches　which　constitute　the　school　of　medicine　with　you；　as　to　hope

&　believe；　that　it　is　from　this　side　of　the　Atlantic；　that　Europe；

which　has　taught　us　so　many　other　things；　will　at　length　be　led　into

sound　principles　in　this　branch　of　science；　the　most　important　of　all

others；　being　that　to　which　we　commit　the　care　of　health　&　life。




　　　　　　　　I　dare　say；　that　by　this　time；　you　are　sufficiently　sensible

that　old　heads　as　well　as　young；　may　sometimes　be　charged　with

ignorance　and　presumption。　　The　natural　course　of　the　human　mind　is

certainly　from　credulity　to　scepticism；　and　this　is　perhaps　the　most

favorable　apology　I　can　make　for　venturing　so　far　out　of　my　depth；　&

to　one　too；　to　whom　the　strong　as　well　as　the　weak　points　of　this

science　are　so　familiar。　　But　having　stumbled　on　the　subject　in　my

way；　I　wished　to　give　a　confession　of　my　faith　to　a　friend；　&　the

rather；　as　I　had　perhaps；　at　time；　to　him　as　well　as　others；

expressed　my　scepticism　in　medicine；　without　defining　it's　extent　or

foundation。　　At　any　rate；　it　has　permitted　me；　for　a　moment；　to

abstract　myself　from　the　dry　&　dreary　waste　of　politics；　into　which　I

have　been　impressed　by　the　times　on　which　I　happened；　and　to　indulge

in　the　rich　fields　of　nature；　where　alone　I　should　have　served　as　a

volunteer；　if　left　to　my　natural　inclinations　&　partialities。




　　　　　　　　I　salute　you　at　all　times　with　affection　&　respect。







　　　　　　　　TORPEDOES　AND　SUBMARINES




　　　　　　　　_To　Robert　Fulton_

　　　　　　　　_Monticello；　August　16；　1807_




　　　　　　　　SIR；　　Your　letter　of　July　28；　came　to　hand　just　as　I　was

about　leaving　Washington；　&　it　has　not　been　sooner　in　my　power　to

acknolege　it。　　I　consider　your　torpedoes　as　very　valuable　means　of

defence　of　harbors；　&　have　no　doubt　that　we　should　adopt　them　to　a

considerable　degree。　　Not　that　I　go　the　whole　length　（as　I　believe

you　do）　of　considering　them　as　solely　to　be　relied　on。　　Neither　a

nation　nor　those　entrusted　with　it's　affairs；　could　be　justifiable；

however　sanguine　their　expectations；　in　trusting　solely　to　an　engine

not　yet　sufficiently　tried；　under　all　the　circumstances　which　may

occur；　&　against　which　we　know　not　as　yet　what　means　of　parrying　may

be　devised。　　If；　indeed；　the　mode　of　attaching　them　to　the　cable　of　a

ship　be　the　only　one　proposed；　modes　of　prevention　cannot　be

difficult。　　But　I　have　ever　looked　to　the　submarine　boat　as　most　to

be　depended　on　for　attaching　them；　&　tho'　I　see　no　mention　of　it　in

your　letter；　or　your　publications；　I　am　in　hopes　it　is　not　abandoned

as　impracticable。　　I　should　wish　to　see　a　corps　of　young　men　trained

to　this　service。　　It　would　belong　to　the　engineers　if　at　land；　but

being　nautical；　I　suppose　we　must　have　a　corps　of　naval　engineers；　to

practise　&　use　them。　　I　do　not　know　whether　we　have　authority　to　put

any　part　of　our　existing　naval　establishment　in　a　course　of　training；

but　it　shall　be　the　subject　of　a　consultation　with　the　Secretary　of

the　Navy。　　Genl　Dearborne　has　informed　you　of　the　urgency　of　our　want

of　you　at　N　Orleans　for　the　locks　there。




　　　　　　　　I　salute　you　with　great　respect　&　esteem。







　　　　　　　　RELIGIOUS　FREEDOM




　　　　　　　　_To　Rev。　Samuel　Miller_

　　　　　　　　_Washington；　Jan。　23；　1808_




　　　　　　　　SIR；　　I　have　duly　received　your　favor　of　the　18th　and　am

thankful　to　you　for　having　written　it；　because　it　is　more　agreeable

to　prevent　than　to　refuse　what　I　do　not　think　myself　authorized　to

comply　with。　　I　consider　the　government　of　the　U　S。　as　interdicted　by

the　Constitution　from　intermeddling　with　religious　institutions；

their　doctrines；　discipline；　or　exercises。　　This　results　not　only

from　the　provision　that　no　lawshall　be　made　respecting　the

establishment；　or　free　exercise；　of　religion；　but　from　that　also

which　reserves　to　the　states　the　powers　not　delegated　to　the　U。S。

Certainly　no　power　to　prescribe　any　religious　exercise；　or　to　assume

authority　in　religious　discipline；　has　been　delegated　to　the　general

government。　　It　must　then　rest　with　the　states；　as　far　as　it　can　be

in　any　human　authority。　　But　it　is　only　proposed　that　I　should

_recommend_；　not　prescribe　a　day　of　fasting　&　prayer。　　That　is；　that

I　should　_indirectly_　assume　to　the　U。S。　an　authority　over　religious

exercises　which　the　Constitution　has　directly　precluded　them　from。

It　must　be　meant　too　that　this　recommendation　is　to　carry　some

authority；　and　to　be　sanctioned　by　some　penalty　on　those　who

disregard　it；　not　indeed　of　fine　and　imprisonment；　but　of　some　degree

of　proscription　perhaps　in　public　opinion。　　And　does　the　change　in

the　nature　of　the　penalty　make　the　recommendation　the　less　_a　law_　of

conduct　for　those　to　whom　it　is　directed？　　I　do　not　believe　it　is　for

the　interest　of　religion　to　invite　the　civil　magistrate　to　direct

it's　exercises；　it's　discipline；　or　it's　doctrines；　nor　of　the

religious　societies　that　the　general　government　should　be　invested

with　the　power　of　effecting　any　uniformity　of　time　or　matter　among

them。　　Fasting　&　prayer　are　religious　exercises。　　The　enjoining　them

an　act　of　discipline。　　Every　religious　society　has　a　right　to

determine　for　itself　the　times　for　these　exercises；　&　the　objects

proper　for　them；　according　to　their　own　particular　tenets；　and　this

right　can　never　be　safer　than　in　their　own　hands；　where　the

constitution　has　deposited　it。




　　　　　　　　I　am　aware　that　the　practice　of　my　predecessors　may　be　quoted。

But　I　have　ever　believed　that　the　example　of　state　executives　led　to

the　assumption　of　that　authority　by　the　general　government；　without

due　examination；　which　would　have　discovered　that　what　might　be　a

right　in　a　state　government；　was　a　violation　of　that　right　when

assumed　by　another。　　Be　this　as　it　may；　every　one　must　act　according

to　the　dictates　of　his　own　reason；　&　mine　tells　me　that　civil　powers

alone　have　been　given　to　the　President　of　the　U　S。　and　no　authority

to　direct　the　religious　exercises　of　his　constituents。




　　　　　　　　I　again　express　my　satisfaction　that　you　have　been　so　good　as

to　give　me　an　opportunity　of　explaining　myself　in　a　private　letter；

in　which　I　could　give　my　reasons　more　in　detail　than　might　have　been

done　in　a　public　answer：　and　I　pray　you　to　accept　the　assurances　of

my　high　esteem　&　respect。







　　　　　　　　〃SUBJECTS　FOR　A　MAD…HOUSE〃




　　　　　　　　_To　Dr。　Thomas　Leib_

　　　　　　　　_Washington；　June　23；　1808_




　　　　　　　　SIR；　　I　have　duly　received　your　favor　covering　a　copy　of　the

talk　to　the　Tammany　society；　for　which　I　thank　you；　and　particularly

for　the　favorable　sentiments　expressed　towards　myself。　　Certainly；

nothing　will　so　much　sweeten　the　tranquillity　and　comfort　of

retirement；　as　the　knoledge　that　I　carry　with　me　the　good　will　&

approbation　of　my　republican　fellow　citizens；　and　especially　of　the

individuals　in　unison　with　whom　I　have　so　long　acted。　　With　respect

to　the　federalists；　I　believe　we　think　alike；　for　when　speaking　of

them；　we　never　mean　to　include　a　worthy　portion　of　our　fellow

citizens；　who　consider　themselves　as　in　duty　bound　to　support　the

constituted　authorities　of　every　branch；　and　to　reserve　their

opposition　to　the　period　of　election。　　These　having　acquired　the

appellation　of　federalists；　while　a　federal　administration　was　in

place；　have　not　cared　about　throwing　off　their　name；　but　adhering　to

their　principle；　are　the　supporters　of　the　present　order　of　things。

The　other　branch　of　the　federalists；　those　who　are　so　in　principle　as

well　as　in　name；　disapprove　of　the　republican　principles　&　features

of　our　Constitution；　and　would；　I　believe；　welcome　any　public

calamity　（war　with　England　excepted）　which　might　lessen　the

confidence　of　our　country　in　those　principles　&　forms。　　I　have

generally　considered　them　rather　as　subjects　for　a　mad…house。　　But

they　are　now　playing　a　game　of　the　most　mischevious　tendency；　without

perhaps　being　themselves　aware　of　it。　　They　are　endeavoring　to

convince　England　that　we　suffer　more　by　the　embargo　than　they　do；　&

that　if　they　will　but　hold