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gymen　in　the　American　towns　are　higher　than　those　paid　in　the　country。　　The　opposite　to　this；　I　think；　as　a　rule；　is　the　case　with　us。　I　have　said　that　religion　in　the　States　is　rowdy。　　By　that　I　mean　to　imply　that　it　seems　to　me　to　be　divested　of　that　reverential　order　and　strictness　of　rule　which；　according　to　our　ideas；　should　be　attached　to　matters　of　religion。　　One　hardly　knows　where　the　affairs　of　this　world　end；　or　where　those　of　the　next　begin。　　When　the　holy　men　were　had　in　at　the　lecture；　were　they　doing　stage…work　or　church…work？　　On　hearing　sermons；　one　is　often　driven　to　ask　one's　self　whether　the　discourse　from　the　pulpit　be　in　its　nature　political　or　religious。　　I　heard　an　Episcopalian　Protestant　clergyman　talk　of　the　scoffing　nations　of　Europe；　because　at　that　moment　he　was　angry　with　England　and　France　about　Slidell　and　Mason。　　I　have　heard　a　chapter　of　the　Bible　read　in　Congress　at　the　desire　of　a　member；　and　very　badly　read。　　After　which　the　chapter　itself　and　the　reading　of　it　became　a　subject　of　debate；　partly　jocose　and　partly　acrimonious。　　It　is　a　common　thing　for　a　clergyman　to　change　his　profession　and　follow　any　other　pursuit。　　I　know　two　or　three　gentlemen　who　were　once　in　that　line　of　life；　but　have　since　gone　into　other　trades。　　There　is；　I　think；　an　unexpressed　determination　on　the　part　of　the　people　to　abandon　all　reverence；　and　to　regard　religion　from　an　altogether　worldly　point　of　view。　　They　are　willing　to　have　religion；　as　they　are　willing　to　have　laws；　but　they　choose　to　make　it　for　themselves。　　They　do　not　object　to　pay　for　it；　but　they　like　to　have　the　handling　of　the　article　for　which　they　pay。　　As　the　descendants　of　Puritans　and　other　godly　Protestants；　they　will　submit　to　religious　teaching；　but　as　republicans　they　will　have　no　priestcraft。　　The　French　at　their　revolution　had　the　latter　feeling　without　the　former；　and　were　therefore　consistent　with　themselves　in　abolishing　all　worship。　　The　Americans　desire　to　do　the　same　thing　politically；　but　infidelity　has　had　no　charms　for　them。　　They　say　their　prayers；　and　then　seem　to　apologize　for　doing　so；　as　though　it　were　hardly　the　act　of　a　free　and　enlightened　citizen；　justified　in　ruling　himself　as　he　pleases。　　All　this　to　me　is　rowdy。　　I　know　no　other　word　by　which　I　can　so　well　describe　it。　Nevertheless　the　nation　is　religious　in　its　tendencies；　and　prone　to　acknowledge　the　goodness　of　God　in　all　things。　　A　man　there　is　expected　to　belong　to　some　church；　and　is　not；　I　think；　well　looked　on　if　he　profess　that　he　belongs　to　none。　　He　may　be　a　Swedenborgian；　a　Quaker；　a　Muggletonian；anything　will　do；　But　it　is　expected　of　him　that　he　shall　place　himself　under　some　flag；　and　do　his　share　in　supporting　the　flag　to　which　he　belongs。　　This　duty　is；　I　think；　generally　fulfilled。

CHAPTER　XX。　FROM　BOSTON　TO　WASHINGTON。

From　Boston；　on　the　27th　of　November；　my　wife　returned　to　England；　leaving　me　to　prosecute　my　journey　southward　to　Washington　by　myself。　　I　shall　never　forget　the　political　feeling　which　prevailed　in　Boston　at　that　time；　or　the　discussions　on　the　subject　of　Slidell　and　Mason；　in　which　I　felt　myself　bound　to　take　a　part。　　Up　to　that　period　I　confess　that　my　sympathies　had　been　strongly　with　the　Northern　side　in　the　general　question；　and　so　they　were　still；　as　far　as　I　could　divest　the　matter　of　its　English　bearings。　　I　have　always　thought；　and　do　think；　that　a　war　for　the　suppression　of　the　Southern　rebellion　could　not　have　been　avoided　by　the　North　without　an　absolute　loss　of　its　political　prestige。　　Mr。　Lincoln　was　elected　President　of　the　United　States　in　the　autumn　of　1860；　and　any　steps　taken　by　him　or　his　party　toward　a　peaceable　solution　of　the　difficulties　which　broke　out　immediately　on　his　election　must　have　been　taken　before　he　entered　upon　his　office。　　South　Carolina　threatened　secession　as　soon　as　Mr。　Lincoln's　election　was　known；　while　yet　there　were　four　months　left　of　Mr。　Buchanan's　government。　　That　Mr。　Buchanan　might；　during　those　four　months；　have　prevented　secession；　few　men；　I　think；　will　doubt　when　the　history　of　the　time　shall　be　written。　　But　instead　of　doing　so　he　consummated　secession。　　Mr。　Buchanan　is　a　Northern　man；　a　Pennsylvanian；　but　he　was　opposed　to　the　party　which　had　brought　in　Mr。　Lincoln；　having　thriven　as　a　politician　by　his　adherence　to　Southern　principles。　　Now；　when　the　struggle　came；　he　could　not　forget　his　party　in　his　duty　as　President。　　General　Jackson's　position　was　much　the　same　when　Mr。　Calhoun；　on　the　question　of　the　tariff；　endeavored　to　produce　secession　in　South　Carolina　thirty　years　ago；　in　1832excepting　in　this；　that　Jackson　was　himself　a　Southern　man。　　But　Jackson　had　a　strong　conception　of　the　position　which　he　held　as　President　of　the　United　States。　　He　put　his　foot　on　secession　and　crushed　it；　forcing　Mr。　Calhoun；　as　Senator　from　South　Carolina；　to　vote　for　that　compromise　as　to　the　tariff　which　the　government　of　the　day　proposed。　　South　Carolina　was　as　eager　in　1832　for　secession　as　she　was　in　1859…60；　but　the　government　was　in　the　hands　of　a　strong　man　and　an　honest　one。　　Mr。　Calhoun　would　have　been　hung　had　he　carried　out　his　threats。　　But　Mr。　Buchanan　had　neither　the　power　nor　the　honesty　of　General　Jackson；　and　thus　secession　was　in　fact　consummated　during　his　Presidency。　But　Mr。　Lincoln's　party；　it　is　saidand　I　believe　truly　said　might　have　prevented　secession　by　making　overtures　to　the　South；　or　accepting　overtures　from　the　South；　before　Mr。　Lincoln　himself　had　been　inaugurated。　　That　is　to　say；　if　Mr。　Lincoln　and　the　band　of　politicians　who　with　him　had　pushed　their　way　to　the　top　of　their　party；　and　were　about　to　fill　the　offices　of　State；　chose　to　throw　overboard　the　political　convictions　which　had　bound　them　together　and　insured　their　successif　they　could　bring　themselves　to　adopt　on　the　subject　of　slavery　the　ideas　of　their　opponentsthen　the　war　might　have　been　avoided；　and　secession　also　avoided。　　I　do　believe　that　had　Mr。　Lincoln　at　that　time　submitted　himself　to　a　compromise　in　favor　of　the　Democrats；　promising　the　support　of　the　government　to　certain　acts　which　would　in　fact　have　been　in　favor　of　slavery；　South　Carolina　would　again　have　been　foiled　for　the　time。　　For　it　must　be　understood；　that　though　South　Carolina　and　the　Gulf　States　might　have　accepted　certain　compromises；　they　would　not　have　been　satisfied　in　so　accepting　them。　　The　desired　secession；　and　nothing　short　of　secession；　would　in　truth　have　been　acceptable　to　them。　　But　in　doing　so　Mr。　Lincoln　would　have　been　the　most　dishonest　politician　even　in　America。　　The　North　would　have　been　in　arms　against　him；　and　any　true　spirit　of　agreement　between　the　cotton…growing　slave　States　and　the　manufacturing　States　of　the　North；　or　the　agricultural　States　of　the　West；　would　have　been　as　far　off　and　as　improbable　as　it　is　now。　　Mr。　Crittenden；　who　proffered　his　compromise　to　the　Senate　in　December；　1860；　was　at　that　time　one　of　the　two　Senators　from　Kentucky；　a　slave　State。　　He　now　sits　in　the　Lower　House　of　Congress　as　a　member　from　the　same　State。　　Kentucky　is　one　of　those　border　States　which　has　found　it　impossible　to　secede；　and　almost　equally　impossible　to　remain　in　the　Union。　　It　is　one　of　the　States　into　which　it　was　most　probable　that　the　war　would　be　carriedVirginia；　Kentucky；　and　Missouri　being　the　three　States　which　have　suffered　the　most　in　this　way。　　Of　Mr。　Crittenden's　own　family；　some　have　gone　with　secession　and　some　with　the　Union。　　His　name　had　been　honorably　connected　with　American　politics　for　nearly　forty　years；　and　it　is　not　surprising　that　he　should　have　desired　a　compromise。　His　terms　were　in　fact　thesea　return　to　the　Missouri　compromise；　under　which　the　Union　pledged　itself　that　no　slavery　should　exist　north　of　36。30　degrees　N。　lat。；　unless　where　it　had　so　existed　prior　to　the　date　of　that　compromise；　a　pledge　that　Congress　would　not　interfere　with　slavery　in　the　individual　Stateswhich　under　the　Constitution　it　cannot　do；　and　a　pledge　that　the　Fugitive　Slave　Law　should　be　carried　out　by　the　Northern　States。　　Such　a　compromise　might　seem　to　make　very　small　demand　on　the　forbearance　of　the　Republican　party；　which　was　now　dominant。　　The　repeal　of　the　Missouri　compromise　had　been　to　them　a　loss；　and　it　might　be　said　that　its　re…enactment　would　be　a　gain。　　But　since　that　compromise　had　been　repealed；　vast　territories　south　of　the　line　in　question　had　been　added　to　the　union；　and　the　re…enactment　of　that　compromise　would　hand　those　vast　regions　over　to　absolute　slavery；　as　had　been　done　with　Texas。　　This　might　be　all　very　well　for　Mr。　Crittenden　in　the　slave　State　of　Kentuckyfor　Mr。　Crittenden；　although　a　slave　owner；　desired　to　perpetuate　the　Union；　but　it　would　not　have　been　well　for　New　England　or　for　the　West。　　As　for　the　second　proposition；　it　is　well　understood　that　under　the　Constitution　Congress　cannot　interfere　in　any　way　in　the　question　of　slavery　in　the　individual　States。　　Congress　has　no　more　constitutional　power　to　abolish　slavery　in　Maryland　than　she　has　to　introduce　it　into　Massachusetts。　　No　such　pledge；　therefore；　was　necessary　on　either　side。　　But　such　a　pledge　given　by　the　North　and　West　would　have　acted　as　an　additional　tie　upon　them；　binding　them　to　the　finality　of　a　constituti