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　When　he　makes　a　point；　he　makes　it　well；　and　drives　it　home　to　the　intelligence　of　every　one　before　him。　　Even　that　appeal　to　the　holy　men　around　him　sounded　wellor　would　have　done　so　had　I　not　been　present　at　that　little　arrangement　in　the　anteroom。　　On　the　audience　at　large　it　was　manifestly　effective。　But　nevertheless　the　lecture　gave　me　but　a　poor　idea　of　Mr。　Everett　as　a　politician；　though　it　made　me　regard　him　highly　as　an　orator。　It　was　impossible　not　to　perceive　that　he　was　anxious　to　utter　the　sentiments　of　the　audience　rather　than　his　own；　that　he　was　making　himself　an　echo；　a　powerful　and　harmonious　echo　of　what　he　conceived　to　be　public　opinion　in　Boston　at　that　moment；　that　he　was　neither　leading　nor　teaching　the　people　before　him；　but　allowing　himself　to　be　led　by　them；　so　that　he　might　best　play　his　present　part　for　their　delectation。　　He　was　neither　bold　nor　honest；　as　Emerson　had　been；　and　I　could　not　but　feel　that　every　tyro　of　a　politician　before　him　would　thus　recognize　his　want　of　boldness　and　of　honesty。　　As　a　statesman；　or　as　a　critic　of　statecraft；　and　of　other　statesmen；　he　is　wanting　in　backbone。　　For　many　years　Mr。　Everett　has　been　not　even　inimical　to　Southern　politics　and　Southern　courses；　nor　was　he　among　those　who；　during　the　last　eight　years　previous　to　Mr。　　Lincoln's　election；　fought　the　battle　for　Northern　principles。　　I　do　not　say　that　on　this　account　he　is　now　false　to　advocate　the　war。　　But　he　cannot　carry　men　with　him　when；　at　his　age；　he　advocates　it　by　arguments　opposed　to　the　tenor　of　his　long　political　life。　　His　abuse　of　the　South　and　of　Southern　ideas　was　as　virulent　as　might　be　that　of　a　young　lad　now　beginning　his　political　career；　or　of　one　who　had　through　life　advocated　abolition　principles。　　He　heaped　reproaches　on　poor　Virginia；　whose　position　as　the　chief　of　the　border　States　has　given　to　her　hardly　the　possibility　of　avoiding　a　Scylla　of　ruin　on　the　one　side；　or　a　Charybdis　of　rebellion　on　the　other。　　When　he　spoke　as　he　did　of　Virginia；　ridiculing　the　idea　of　her　sacred　soil；　even　I；　Englishman　as　I　am；　could　not　but　think　of　Washington；　of　Jefferson；　of　Randolph；　and　of　Madison。　　He　should　not　have　spoken　of　Virginia　as　he　did　speak；　for　no　man　could　have　known　better　Virginia's　difficulties。　　But　Virginia　was　at　a　discount　in　Boston；　and　Mr。　Everett　was　speaking　to　a　Boston　audience。　　And　then　he　referred　to　England　and　to　Europe。　　Mr。　Everett　has　been　minister　to　England；　and　knows　the　people。　　He　is　a　student　of　history；　and　must；　I　think；　know　that　England's　career　has　not　been　unhappy　or　unprosperous。　　But　England　also　was　at　a　discount　in　Boston；　and　Mr。　Everett　was　speaking　to　a　Boston　audience。　　They　are　sending　us　their　advice　across　the　water；　said　Mr。　Everett。　　And　what　is　their　advice　to　us？　　That　we　should　come　down　from　the　high　place　we　have　built　for　ourselves；　and　be　even　as　they　are。　　They　screech　at　us　from　the　low　depths　in　which　they　are　wallowng　in　their　misery；　and　call　on　us　to　join　them　in　their　wretchedness。　　I　am　not　quoting　Mr。　Everett's　very　words；　for　I　have　not　them　by　me；　but　I　am　not　making　them　stronger；　nor　so　strong　as　he　made　them。　　As　I　thought　of　Mr。　Everett's　reputation；　and　of　his　years　of　study；　of　his　long　political　life　and　unsurpassed　sources　of　information；　I　could　not　but　grieve　heartily　when　I　heard　such　words　fall　from　him。　　I　could　not　but　ask　myself　whether　it　were　impossible　that　under　the　present　circumstances　of　her　constitution　this　great　nation　of　America　should　produce　an　honest；　high…minded　statesman。　　When　Lincoln　and　Hamlin；　the　existing　President　and　Vice…President　of　the　States；　were　in　1860　as　yet　but　the　candidates　of　the　Republican　party；　Bell　and　Everett　also　were　the　candidates　of　the　old　Whig；　conservative　party。　Their　express　theory　was　thisthat　the　question　of　slavery　should　not　be　touched。　　Their　purpose　was　to　crush　agitation　and　restore　harmony　by　an　impartial　balance　between　the　North　and　South：　a　fine　purposethe　finest　of　all　purposes；　had　it　been　practicable。　　But　such　a　course　of　compromise　was　now　at　a　discount　in　Boston；　and　Mr。　Everett　was　speaking　to　a　Boston　audience。　　As　an　orator；　Mr。　Everett's　excellence　is；　I　think；　not　to　be　questioned；　but　as　a　politician　I　cannot　give　him　a　high　rank。　After　that　I　heard　Mr。　Wendell　Phillips。　　Of　him；　too；　as　an　orator；　all　the　world　of　Massachusetts　speaks　with　great　admiration；　and　I　have　no　doubt　so　speaks　with　justice。　　He　is；　however；　known　as　the　hottest　and　most　impassioned　advocate　of　abolition。　　Not　many　months　since　the　cause　of　abolition；　as　advocated　by　him；　was　so　unpopular　in　Boston；　that　Mr。　Phillips　was　compelled　to　address　his　audience　surrounded　by　a　guard　of　policemen。　　Of　this　gentleman　I　may　at　any　rate　say　that　he　is　consistent；　devoted；　and　disinterested。　　He　is　an　abolitionist　by　profession；　and　seeks　to　find　in　every　turn　of　the　tide　of　politics　some　stream　on　which　he　may　bring　himself　nearer　to　his　object。　　In　the　old　days；　previous　to　the　selection　of　Mr。　Lincoln；　in　days　so　old　that　they　are　now　nearly　eighteen　months　past；　Mr。　Phillips　was　an　anti…Union　man。　　He　advocated　strongly　the　disseverance　of　the　Union；　so　that　the　country　to　which　he　belonged　might　have　hands　clean　from　the　taint　of　slavery。　　He　had　probably　acknowledged　to　himself　that　while　the　North　and　South　were　bound　together　no　hope　existed　of　emancipation；　but　that　if　the　North　stood　alone　the　South　would　become　too　weak　to　foster　and　keep　alive　the　〃social　institution。〃　　In　which；　if　such　were　his　opinions；　I　am　inclined　to　agree　with　him。　　But　now　he　is　all　for　the　Union；　thinking　that　a　victorious　North　can　compel　the　immediate　emancipation　of　Southern　slaves。　　As　to　which　I　beg　to　say　that　I　am　bold　to　differ　from　Mr。　Phillips　altogether。　It　soon　became　evident　to　me　that　Mr。　Phillips　was　unwell；　and　lecturing　at　a　disadvantage。　　His　manner　was　clearly　that　of　an　accustomed　orator；　but　his　voice　was　weak；　and　he　was　not　up　to　the　effect　which　he　attempted　to　make。　　His　hearers　were　impatient；　repeatedly　calling　upon　him　to　speak　out；　and　on　that　account　I　tried　hard　to　feel　kindly　toward　him　and　his　lecture。　　But　I　must　confess　that　I　failed。　　To　me　it　seemed　that　the　doctrine　he　preached　was　one　of　rapine；　bloodshed；　and　social　destruction。　　He　would　call　upon　the　government　and　upon　Congress　to　enfranchise　the　slaves　at　oncenow　during　the　warso　that　the　Southern　power　might　be　destroyed　by　a　concurrence　of　misfortunes。　　And　he　would　do　so　at　once；　on　the　spur　of　the　moment；　fearing　lest　the　South　should　be　before　him；　and　themselves　emancipate　their　own　bondsmen。　I　have　sometimes　thought　that　there　is　no　being　so　venomous；　so　blood…thirsty　as　a　professed　philanthropist；　and　that　when　the　philanthropist's　ardor　lies　negroward；　it　then　assumes　the　deepest　die　of　venom　and　blood…thirstiness。　　There　are　four　millions　of　slaves　in　the　Southern　States；　none　of　whom　have　any　capacity　for　self…maintenance　or　self…control。　　Four　millions　of　slaves；　with　the　necessities　of　children；　with　the　passions　of　men；　and　the　ignorance　of　savages！　　And　Mr。　Phillips　would　emancipate　these　at　a　blow；　would；　were　it　possible　for　him　to　do　so；　set　them　loose　upon　the　soil　to　tear　their　masters；　destroy　each　other；　and　make　such　a　hell　upon　the　earth　as　has　never　even　yet　come　from　the　uncontrolled　passions　and　unsatisfied　wants　of　men。　　But　Congress　cannot　do　this。　　All　the　members　of　Congress　put　together　cannot；　according　to　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States；　emancipate　a　single　slave　in　South　Carolina；　not　if　they　were　all　unanimous。　　No　emancipation　in　a　slave　State　can　come　otherwise　than　by　the　legislative　enactment　of　that　State。　　But　it　was　then　thought　that　in　this　coming　winter　of　1860…61　the　action　of　Congress　might　be　set　aside。　　The　North　possessed　an　enormous　army　under　the　control　of　the　President。　　The　South　was　in　rebellion；　and　the　President　could　pronounce；　and　the　army　perhaps　enforce；　the　confiscation　of　all　property　held　in　slaves。　　If　any　who　held　them　were　not　disloyal；　the　question　of　compensation　might　be　settled　afterward。　How　those　four　million　slaves　should　live；　and　how　white　men　should　live　among　them；　in　some　States　or　parts　of　States　not　equal　to　the　blacks　in　numberas　to　that　Mr。　Phillips　did　not　give　us　his　opinion。　And　Mr。　Phillips　also　could　not　keep　his　tongue　away　from　the　abominations　of　Englishmen　and　the　miraculous　powers　of　his　own　countrymen。　　It　was　on　this　occasion　that　he　told　us　more　than　once　how　Yankees　carried　brains　in　their　fingers；　whereas　〃common　people〃alluding　by　that　name　to　Europeanshad　them　only；　if　at　all；　inside　their　brain…pans。　　And　then　he　informed　us　that　Lord　Palmerston　had　always　hated　America。　　Among　the　Radicals　there　might　be　one　or　two　who　understood　and　valued　the　institutions　of　America；　but　it　was　a　well…known　fact　that　Lord　Palmerston　was　hostile　to　the　country。　　Nothing　but　hidden　enmityenmity　hidden　or　not　hiddencould　be　expected　from　England。　　That　the　people　of　Boston；　or　of　Massachusetts；　or　of　the　North　generally；　should　feel　sore　against　England；　is　to　me　intelligible。　　I　know　how　the　minds　of　men　are　moved　in　masses　to　certain　feelings　and　that　it　ever　must　be　so。　　Men　in　common　talk　are　not　bound　to