north america-1-第57节

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ic　emancipation；　reform；　and　corn…law　repeal；　and　as　they　would　want　war　if　it　were　brought　home　to　them　that　their　country　was　insulted。　In　attempting　to　describe　this　difference　in　the　political　action　of　the　two　countries；　I　am　very　far　from　taking　all　praise　for　England　or　throwing　any　reproach　on　the　States。　　The　political　action　of　the　States　is　undoubtedly　the　more　logical　and　the　clearer。　　That；　indeed；　of　England　is　so　illogical　and　so　little　clear　that　it　would　be　quite　impossible　for　any　other　nation　to　assume　it；　merely　by　resolving　to　do　so。　　Whereas　the　political　action　of　the　States　might　be　assumed　by　any　nation　to…morrow；　and　all　its　strength　might　be　carried　across　the　water　in　a　few　written　rules　as　are　the　prescriptions　of　a　physician　or　the　regulations　of　an　infirmary。　　With　us　the　thing　has　grown　of　habit；　has　been　fostered　by　tradition；　has　crept　up　uncared　for；　and　in　some　parts　unnoticed。　　It　can　be　written　in　no　book；　can　be　described　in　no　words；　can　be　copied　by　no　statesmen；　and　I　almost　believe　can　be　understood　by　no　people　but　that　to　whose　peculiar　uses　it　has　been　adapted。　In　speaking　as　I　have　here　done　of　American　taste　and　American　politics；　I　must　allude　to　a　special　class　of　Americans　who　are　to　be　met　more　generally　in　New　York　than　elsewheremen　who　are　educated；　who　have　generally　traveled；　who　are　almost　always　agreeable；　but　who；　as　regards　their　politics；　are　to　me　the　most　objectionable　of　all　men。　　As　regards　taste　they　are　objectionable　to　me　also。　　But　that　is　a　small　thing；　and　as　they　are　quite　as　likely　to　be　right　as　I　am；　I　will　say　nothing　against　their　taste。　But　in　politics　it　seems　to　me　that　these　men　have　fallen　into　the　bitterest　and　perhaps　into　the　basest　of　errors。　　Of　the　man　who　begins　his　life　with　mean　political　ideas；　having　sucked　them　in　with　his　mother's　milk；　there　may　be　some　hope。　　The　evil　is　at　any　rate　the　fault　of　his　forefathers　rather　than　of　himself。　　But　who　can　have　hope　of　him　who；　having　been　thrown　by　birth　and　fortune　into　the　running　river　of　free　political　activity；　has　allowed　himself　to　be　drifted　into　the　stagnant　level　of　general　political　servility？　　There　are　very　many　such　Americans。　　They　call　themselves　republicans；　and　sneer　at　the　idea　of　a　limited　monarchy；　but　they　declare　that　there　is　no　republic　so　safe；　so　equal　for　all　men；　so　purely　democratic　as　that　now　existing　in　France。　　Under　the　French　Empire　all　men　are　equal。　　There　is　no　aristocracy；　no　oligarchy；　no　overshadowing　of　the　little　by　the　great。　　One　superior　is　admittedadmitted　on　earth；　as　a　superior　is　also　admitted　in　heaven。　　Under　him　everything　is　level；　and；　provided　he　be　not　impeded；　everything　is　free。　　He　knows　how　to　rule；　and　the　nation；　allowing　him　the　privilege　of　doing　so；　can　go　along　its　course　safely；　can　eat；　drink；　and　be　merry。　　If　few　men　can　rise　high；　so　also　can　few　men　fall　low。　　Political　equality　is　the　one　thing　desirable　in　a　commonwealth；　and　by　this　arrangement　political　equality　is　obtained。　　Such　is　the　modern　creed　of　many　an　educated　republican　of　the　States。　To　me　it　seems　that　such　a　political　state　is　about　the　vilest　to　which　a　man　can　descend。　　It　amounts　to　a　tacit　abandonment　of　the　struggle　which　men　are　making　for　political　truth　and　political　beneficence；　in　order　that　bread　and　meat　may　be　eaten　in　peace　during　the　score　of　years　or　so　that　are　at　the　moment　passing　over　us。　　The　politicians　of　this　class　have　decided　for　themselves　that　the　summum　bonum　is　to　be　found　in　bread　and　the　circus　games。　　If　they　be　free　to　eat；　free　to　rest；　free　to　sleep；　free　to　drink　little　cups　of　coffee；　while　the　world　passes　before　them；　on　a　boulevard；　they　have　that　freedom　which　they　covet。　　But　equality　is　necessary　as　well　as　freedom。　　There　must　be　no　towering　trees　in　this　parterre　to　overshadow　the　clipped　shrubs；　and　destroy　the　uniformity　of　a　growth　which　should　never　mount　more　than　two　feet　above　the　earth。　　The　equality　of　this　politician　would　forbid　any　to　rise　above　him　instead　of　inviting　all　to　rise　up　to　him。　　It　is　the　equality　of　fear　and　of　selfishness；　and　not　the　equality　of　courage　and　philanthropy。　　And　brotherhood；　too；　must　be　invoked　fraternity　as　we　may　better　call　it　in　the　jargon　of　the　school。　Such　politicians　tell　one　much　of　fraternity；　and　define　it　too。　It　consists　in　a　general　raising　of　the　hat　to　all　mankind；　in　a　daily　walk　that　never　hurries　itself　into　a　jostling　trot；　inconvenient　to　passengers　on　the　pavement；　in　a　placid　voice；　a　soft　smile；　and　a　small　cup　of　coffee　on　a　boulevard。　　It　means　all　this；　but　I　could　never　find　that　it　meant　any　more。　　There　is　a　nation　for　which　one　is　almost　driven　to　think　that　such　political　aspirations　as　these　are　suitable；　but　that　nation　is　certainly　not　the　States　of　America。　And　yet　one　finds　many　American　gentlemen　who　have　allowed　themselves　to　be　drifted　into　such　a　theory。　　They　have　begun　the　world　as　republican　citizens；　and　as　such　they　must　go　on。　　But　in　their　travels　and　their　studies；　and　in　the　luxury　of　their　life；　they　have　learned　to　dislike　the　rowdiness　of　their　country's　politics。　　They　want　things　to　be　soft　and　easy；　as　republican　as　you　please；　but　with　as　little　noise　as　possible。　　The　President　is　there　for　four　years。　　Why　not　elect　him　for　eight；　for　twelve；　or　for　life？for　eternity　if　it　were　possible　to　find　one　who　could　continue　to　live？　　It　is　to　this　way　of　thinking　that　Americans　are　driven；　when　the　polish　of　Europe　has　made　the　roughness　of　their　own　elections　odious　to　them。　〃Have　you　seen　any　of　our　great　institootions；　sir？〃　　That　of　course　is　a　question　which　is　put　to　every　Englishman　who　has　visited　New　York；　and　the　Englishman　who　intends　to　say　that　he　has　seen　New　York；　should　visit　many　of　them。　　I　went　to　schools；　hospitals；　lunatic　asylums；　institutes　for　deaf　and　dumb；　water…　works；　historical　societies；　telegraph　offices；　and　large　commercial　establishments。　　I　rather　think　that　I　did　my　work　in　a　thorough　and　conscientious　manner；　and　I　owe　much　gratitude　to　those　who　guided　me　on　such　occasions。　　Perhaps　I　ought　to　describe　all　these　institutions；　but　were　I　to　do　so；　I　fear　that　I　should　inflict　fifty　or　sixty　very　dull　pages　on　my　readers。　　If　I　could　make　all　that　I　saw　as　clear　and　intelligible　to　others　as　it　was　made　to　me　who　saw　it；　I　might　do　some　good。　　But　I　know　that　I　should　fail。　　I　marveled　much　at　the　developed　intelligence　of　a　room　full　of　deaf　and　dumb　pupils；　and　was　greatly　astonished　at　the　performance　of　one　special　girl；　who　seemed　to　be　brighter　and　quicker；　and　more　rapidly　easy　with　her　pen　than　girls　generally　are　who　can　hear　and　talk；　but　I　cannot　convey　my　enthusiasm　to　others。　　On　such　a　subject　a　writer　may　be　correct；　may　be　exhaustive；　may　be　statistically　great；　but　he　can　hardly　be　entertaining；　and　the　chances　are　that　he　will　not　be　instructive。　In　all　such　matters；　however；　New　York　is　pre…eminently　great。　　All　through　the　States　suffering　humanity　receives　so　much　attention　that　humanity　can　hardly　be　said　to　suffer。　　The　daily　recurring　boast　of　〃our　glorious　institootions；　sir；〃　always　provokes　the　ridicule　of　an　Englishman。　　The　words　have　become　ridiculous；　and　it　would；　I　think；　be　well　for　the　nation　if　the　term　〃Institution〃　could　be　excluded　from　its　vocabulary。　　But；　in　truth；　they　are　glorious。　　The　country　in　this　respect　boasts；　but　it　has　done　that　which　justifies　a　boast。　　The　arrangements　for　supplying　New　York　with　water　are　magnificent。　　The　drainage　of　the　new　part　of　the　city　is　excellent。　　The　hospitals　are　almost　alluring。　　The　lunatic　asylum　which　I　saw　was　perfectthough　I　did　not　feel　obliged　to　the　resident　physician　for　introducing　me　to　all　the　worst　patients　as　countrymen　of　my　own。　　〃An　English　lady；　Mr。　Trollope。　　I'll　introduce　you。　　Quite　a　hopeless　case。　　Two　old　women。　　They've　been　here　fifty　years。　　They're　English。　　Another　gentleman　from　England；　Mr。　Trollope。　　A　very　interesting　case！　　Confirmed　inebriety。〃　And　as　to　the　schools；　it　is　almost　impossible　to　mention　them　with　too　high　a　praise。　　I　am　speaking　here　specially　of　New　York；　though　I　might　say　the　same　of　Boston；　or　of　all　New　England。　　I　do　not　know　any　contrast　that　would　be　more　surprising　to　an　Englishman；　up　to　that　moment　ignorant　of　the　matter；　than　that　which　he　would　find　by　visiting　first　of　all　a　free　school　in　London；　and　then　a　free　school　in　New　York。　　If　he　would　also　learn　the　number　of　children　that　are　educated　gratuitously　in　each　of　the　two　cities；　and　also　the　number　in　each　which　altogether　lack　education；　he　would；　if　susceptible　of　statistics；　be　surprised　also　at　that。　　But　seeing　and　hearing　are　always　more　effective　than　mere　figures。　　The　female　pupil　at　a　free　school　in　London　is；　as　a　rule；　either　a　ragged　pauper　or　a　charity　girl；　if　not　degraded；　at　least　stigmatized　by　the　badges　and　dress　of　the　charity。　　We　Englishmen　know　well　the　type　of　each；　and　have　a　fairly　correct　idea　of　the　amount　of　education　which　is　imparted　to　them。　　We　see　the　result　afterward　when　the　same　girls　become　our　servants；　and　the　wives　of　our　grooms　and　porters。　　The　female　pupil　at　a　free　school　in　New　York　is　neither　a　pauper　nor　a　charity　girl。　　She　is　dre