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CHAPTER　XIII。　AN　APOLOGY　FOR　THE　WAR。

I　think　it　may　be　received　as　a　fact　that　the　Northern　States；　taken　together；　sent　a　full　tenth　of　their　able…bodied　men　into　the　ranks　of　the　army　in　the　course　of　the　summer　and　autumn　of　1861。　The　South；　no　doubt；　sent　a　much　larger　proportion；　but　the　effect　of　such　a　drain　upon　the　South　would　not　be　the　same；　because　the　slaves　were　left　at　home　to　perform　the　agricultural　work　of　the　country。　　I　very　much　doubt　whether　any　other　nation　ever　made　such　an　effort　in　so　short　a　time。　　To　a　people　who　can　do　this　it　may　well　be　granted　that　they　are　in　earnest；　and　I　do　not　think　it　should　be　lightly　decided　by　any　foreigner　that　they　are　wrong。　The　strong　and　unanimous　impulse　of　a　great　people　is　seldom　wrong。　And　let　it　be　borne　in　mind　that　in　this　case　both　people　may　be　rightthe　people　both　of　North　and　South。　　Each　may　have　been　guided　by　a　just　and　noble　feeling；　though　each　was　brought　to　its　present　condition　by　bad　government　and　dishonest　statesmen。　There　can　be　no　doubt　that；　since　the　commencement　of　the　war　the　American　feeling　against　England　has　been　very　bitter。　　All　Americans　to　whom　I　spoke　on　the　subject　admitted　that　it　was　so。　I；　as　an　Englishman；　felt　strongly　the　injustice　of　this　feeling；　and　lost　no　opportunity　of　showing；　or　endeavoring　to　show；　that　the　line　of　conduct　pursued　by　England　toward　the　States　was　the　only　line　which　was　compatible　with　her　own　policy　and　just　interests　and　also　with　the　dignity　of　the　States　government。　　I　heard　much　of　the　tender　sympathy　of　Russia。　　Russia　sent　a　flourishing　general　message；　saying　that　she　wished　the　North　might　win；　and　ending　with　some　good　general　advice　proposing　peace。　　It　was　such　a　message　as　strong　nations　send　to　those　which　are　weaker。　　Had　England　ventured　on　such　counsel；　the　diplomatic　paper　would　probably　have　been　returned　to　her。　　It　is；　I　think；　manifest　that　an　absolute　and　disinterested　neutrality　has　been　the　only　course　which　could　preserve　England　from　deserved　rebukea　neutrality　on　which　her　commercial　necessity　for　importing　cotton　or　exporting　her　own　manufactures　should　have　no　effect。　　That　our　government　would　preserve　such　a　neutrality　I　have　always　insisted；　and　I　believe　it　has　been　done　with　a　pure　and　strict　disregard　to　any　selfish　views　on　the　part　of　Great　Britain。　　So　far　I　think　England　may　feel　that　she　has　done　well　in　this　matter。　　But　I　must　confess　that　I　have　not　been　so　proud　of　the　tone　of　all　our　people　at　home　as　I　have　been　of　the　decisions　of　our　statesmen。　　It　seems　to　me　that　some　of　us　never　tire　in　abusing　the　Americans；　and　calling　them　names　for　having　allowed　themselves　to　be　driven　into　this　civil　war。　　We　tell　them　that　they　are　fools　and　idiots；　we　speak　of　their　doings　as　though　there　had　been　some　plain　course　by　which　the　war　might　have　been　avoided；　and　we　throw　it　in　their　teeth　that　they　have　no　capability　for　war。　　We　tell　them　of　the　debt　which　they　are　creating；　and　point　out　to　them　that　they　can　never　pay　it。　　We　laugh　at　their　attempt　to　sustain　loyalty；　and　speak　of　them　as　a　steady　father　of　a　family　is　wont　to　speak　of　some　unthrifty　prodigal　who　is　throwing　away　his　estate　and　hurrying　from　one　ruinous　debauchery　to　another。　　And；　alas！　we　too　frequently　allow　to　escape　from　us　some　expression　of　that　satisfaction　which　one　rival　tradesman　has　in　the　downfall　of　another。　　〃Here　you　are　with　all　your　boasting；〃　is　what　we　say。　〃You　were　going　to　whip　all　creation　the　other　day；　and　it　has　come　to　this！　　Brag　is　a　good　dog；　but　Holdfast　is　a　better。　　Pray　remember　that；　if　ever　you　find　yourselves　on　your　legs　again。〃　That　little　advice　about　the　two　dogs　is　very　well；　and　was　not　altogether　inapplicable。　　But　this　is　not　the　time　in　which　it　should　be　given。　　Putting　aside　slight　asperities；　we　will　all　own　that　the　people　of　the　States　have　been　and　are　our　friends；　and　that　as　friends　we　cannot　spare　them。　　For　one　Englishman　who　brings　home　to　his　own　heart　a　feeling　of　cordiality　for　Francea　belief　in　the　affection　of　our　French　alliancethere　are　ten　who　do　so　with　reference　to　the　States。　　Now；　in　these　days　of　their　trouble；　I　think　that　we　might　have　borne　with　them　more　tenderly。　And　how　was　it　possible　that　they　should　have　avoided　this　war？　　I　will　not　now　go　into　the　cause　of　it；　or　discuss　the　course　which　it　has　taken；　but　will　simply　take　up　the　fact　of　the　rebellion。　The　South　rebelled　against　the　North；　and　such　being　the　case；　was　it　possible　that　the　North　should　yield　without　a　war？　　It　may　very　likely　be　well　that　Hungary　should　be　severed　from　Austria；　or　Poland　from　Russia；　or　Venice　from　Austria。　　Taking　Englishmen　in　a　lump；　they　think　that　such　separation　would　be　well。　　The　subject　people　do　not　speak　the　language　of　those　that　govern　them　or　enjoy　kindred　interests。　　But　yet　when　military　efforts　are　made　by　those　who　govern　Hungary；　Poland；　and　Venice　to　prevent　such　separation；　we　do　not　say　that　Russia　and　Austria　are　fools。　　We　are　not　surprised　that　they　should　take　up　arms　against　the　rebels；　but　would　be　very　much　surprised　indeed　if　they　did　not　do　so。　　We　know　that　nothing　but　weakness　would　prevent　their　doing　so。　　But　if　Austria　and　Russia　insist　on　tying　to　themselves　a　people　who　do　not　speak　their　language　or　live　in　accordance　with　their　habits；　and　are　not　considered　unreasonable　in　so　insisting；　how　much　more　thoroughly　would　they　carry　with　them　the　sympathy　of　their　neighbors　in　preventing　any　secession　by　integral　parts　of　their　own　nationalities！　　Would　England　let　Ireland　walk　off　by　herself；　if　she　wished　it？　　In　1843　she　did　wish　it。　　Three…fourths　of　the　Irish　population　would　have　voted　for　such　a　separation；　but　England　would　have　prevented　such　a　secession　vi　et　armis；　had　Ireland　driven　her　to　the　necessity　of　such　prevention。　I　will　put　it　to　any　reader　of　history　whether；　since　government　commenced；　it　has　not　been　regarded　as　the　first　duty　of　government　to　prevent　a　separation　of　the　territories　governed；　and　whether；　also；　it　has　not　been　regarded　as　a　point　of　honor　with　all　nationalities　to　preserve　uninjured　each　its　own　greatness　and　its　own　power？　　I　trust　that　I　may　not　be　thought　to　argue　that　all　governments；　or　even　all　nationalities；　should　succeed　in　such　endeavors。　　Few　kings　have　fallen；　in　my　day；　in　whose　fate　I　have　not　rejoicednone；　I　take　it；　except　that　poor　citizen　King　of　the　French。　　And　I　can　rejoice　that　England　lost　her　American　colonies；　and　shall　rejoice　when　Spain　has　been　deprived　of　Cuba。　　But　I　hold　that　citizen　King　of　the　French　in　small　esteem；　seeing　that　he　made　no　fight；　and　I　know　that　England　was　bound　to　struggle　when　the　Boston　people　threw　her　tea　into　the　water。　　Spain　keeps　a　tighter　hand　on　Cuba　than　we　thought　she　would　some　ten　years　since；　and　therefore　she　stands　higher　in　the　world's　respect。　It　may　be　well　that　the　South　should　be　divided　from　the　North。　　I　am　inclined　to　think　that　it　would　be　wellat　any　rate　for　the　North；　but　the　South　must　have　been　aware　that　such　division　could　only　be　effected　in　two　ways：　either　by　agreement；　in　which　case　the　proposition　must　have　been　brought　forward　by　the　South　and　discussed　by　the　North；　or　by　violence。　　They　chose　the　latter　way；　as　being　the　readier　and　the　surer；　as　most　seceding　nations　have　done。　　O'Connell；　when　struggling　for　the　secession　of　Ireland；　chose　the　other；　and　nothing　came　of　it。　　The　South　chose　violence；　and　prepared　for　it　secretly　and　with　great　adroitness。　　If　that　be　not　rebellion；　there　never　has　been　rebellion　since　history　began；　and　if　civil　war　was　ever　justified　in　one　portion　of　a　nation　by　turbulence　in　another；　it　has　now　been　justified　in　the　Northern　States　of　America。　What　was　the　North　to　do；　this　foolish　North；　which　has　been　so　liberally　told　by　us　that　she　has　taken　up　arms　for　nothing；　that　she　is　fighting　for　nothing；　and　will　ruin　herself　for　nothing？　When　was　she　to　take　the　first　step　toward　peace？　　Surely　every　Englishman　will　remember　that　when　the　earliest　tidings　of　the　coming　quarrel　reached　us　on　the　election　of　Mr。　Lincoln；　we　all　declared　that　any　division　was　impossible；　it　was　a　mere　madness　to　speak　of　it。　　The　States；　which　were　so　great　in　their　unity；　would　never　consent　to　break　up　all　their　prestige　and　all　their　power　by　a　separation！　　Would　it　have　been　well　for　the　North　then　to　say；　〃If　the　South　wish　it　we　will　certainly　separate？〃　　After　that；　when　Mr。　Lincoln　assumed　the　power　to　which　he　had　been　elected；　and　declared　with　sufficient　manliness；　and　sufficient　dignity　also；　that　he　would　make　no　war　upon　the　South；　but　would　collect　the　customs　and　carry　on　the　government；　did　we　turn　round　and　advise　him　that　he　was　wrong？　　No。　　The　idea　in　England　then　was　that　his　message　was；　if　anything；　too　mild。　　〃If　he　means　to　be　President　of　the　whole　Union；〃　England　said；　〃he　must　come　out　with　something　stronger　than　that。〃　　Then　came　Mr。　Seward's　speech；　which　was；　in　truth；　weak　enough。　　Mr。　Seward　had　ran　Mr。　Lincoln　very　hard　for　the　President's　chair　on　the　Republican　interest；　and　was；　most　unfortunately；　as　I　think；　made　Secretary　of　State　by　Mr。　Lincoln；　or　by　his　party。　　The　Secretary　of　State　holds　the　highest　offic