the boss and the machine-第8节

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adroit　politicians　attempting　to　elude　responsibility；　both　sides
appealing　to　an　electorate　which　was　habitually　somnolent　but
subject　to　intermittent　awakenings　through　spasms　of
righteousness。

During　this　epoch　no　important　city　remained　immune　from　ruthless
legislative　interference。　Year　after　year　the　legislature　shifted
officers　and　responsibilities　at　the　behest　of　the　boss。　〃Ripper
bills〃　were　passed；　tearing　up　the　entire　administrative　systems
of　important　municipalities。　The　city　was　made　the　plaything　of
the　boss　and　the　machine。

Throughout　the　constant　shifts　that　our　city　governments　have
undergone　one　may；　however；　discern　three　general　plans　of
government。

The　first　was　the　centering　of　power　in　the　city　council；　whether
composed　of　two　chambersa　board　of　aldermen　and　a　common
councilas　in　New　York；　Philadelphia；　and　Chicago；　or　of　one
council；　as　in　many　lesser　cities。　It　soon　became　apparent　that　a
large　body；　whose　chief　function　is　legislation；　is　utterly　unfit
to　look　after　administrative　details。　Such　a　body；　in　order　to　do
business；　must　act　through　committees。　Responsibility　is
scattered。　Favoritism　is　possible　in　letting　contracts；　in　making
appointments；　in　depositing　city　funds；　in　making　public
improvements；　in　purchasing　supplies　and　real　estate；　and　in　a
thousand　other　ways。　So；　by　controlling　the　appointment　of
committees；　a　shrewd　manipulator　could　virtually　control　all　the
municipal　activities　and　make　himself　overlord　of　the　city。

The　second　plan　of　government　attempted　to　make　the　mayor　the
controlling　force。　It　reduced　the　council　to　a　legislative　body
and　exalted　the　mayor　into　a　real　executive　with　power　to　appoint
and　to　remove　heads　of　departments；　thereby　making　him
responsible　for　the　city　administration。　Brooklyn　under　Mayor
Seth　Low　was　an　encouraging　example　of　this　type　of　government。
But　the　type　was　rarely　found　in　a　pure　form。　The　politician
succeeded　either　in　electing　a　subservient　mayor　or　in　curtailing
the　mayor's　authority　by　having　the　heads　of　departments　elected
or　appointed　by　the　council　or　made　subject　to　the　approval　of
the　council。　If　the　council　held　the　key　to　the　city　treasury；
the　boss　reigned；　for　councilmen　from　properly　gerrymandered
wards　could　usually　be　trusted　to　execute　his　will。

The　third　form　of　government　was　government　by　boards。　Here　it
was　attempted　to　place　the　administration　of　various　municipal
activities　in　the　hands　of　independent　boards。　Thus　a　board　had
charge　of　the　police；　another　of　the　fire　department；　another　of
public　works；　and　so　on。　Often　there　were　a　dozen　of　these　boards
and　not　infrequently　over　thirty　in　a　single　city；　as　in
Philadelphia。　Sometimes　these　boards　were　elected　by　the　people；
sometimes　they　were　appointed　by　the　council；　sometimes　they　were
appointed　by　the　mayor；　in　one　or　two　instances　they　were
appointed　by　the　Governor。　Often　their　powers　were　shared　with
committees　of　the　council；　a　committee　on　police；　for　instance；
shared　with　the　Board　of　Police　Commissioners　the　direction　of
police　affairs。　Usually　these　boards　were　responsible　to　no　one
but　the　electorate　（and　that　remotely）　and　were　entirely　without
coordination；　a　mere　agglomeration　of　independent　creations
generally　with　ill…defined　powers。

Sometimes　the　laws　provided　that　not　all　the　members　of　the
appointive　boards　should　〃belong　to　the　same　political　party〃　or
〃be　of　the　same　political　opinion　in　state　and　national　issues。〃
It　was　clearly　the　intention　to　wipe　out　the　partizan　complexion
of　such　boards。　But　this　device　was　no　stumbling…block　to　the
boss。　Whatever　might　be　the　〃opinions〃　on　national　matters　of　the
men　appointed；　they　usually　had　a　perfect　understanding　with　the
appointing　authorities　as　to　local　matters。　As　late　as　1898；　a
Democratic　mayor　of　New　York　（Van　Wyck）　summarily　removed　the　two
Republican　members　of　the　Board　of　Police　Commissioners　and
replaced　them　by　Republicans　after　his　own　heart。　In　truth；　the
bipartizan　board　fitted　snugly　into　the　dual　party　regime　that
existed　in　many　cities；　whereby　the　county　offices　were
apportioned　to　one　party；　the　city　offices　to　the　other；　and　the
spoils　to　both。　It　is　doubtful　if　any　device　was　ever　more
deceiving　and　less　satisfactory　than　the　bipartizan　board。

The　reader　must　not　be　led　to　think　that　any　one　of　these　plans
of　municipal　government　prevailed　at　any　one　time。　They　all　still
exist；　contemporaneously　with　the　newer　commission　plan　and　the
city　manager　plan。

Hand　in　hand　with　these　experiments　in　governmental　mechanisms
for　the　growing　cities　went　a　rapidly　increasing　expenditure　of
public　funds。　Streets　had　to　be　laid　out；　paved；　and　lighted；
sewers　extended；　firefighting　facilities　increased；　schools
built；　parks；　boulevards；　and　playgrounds　acquired；　and　scores　of
new　activities　undertaken　by　the　municipality。　All　these　brought
grist　to　the　politician's　mill。　So　did　his　control　of　the　police
force　and　the　police　courts。　And　finally；　with　the　city　reaching
its　eager　streets　far　out　into　the　country；　came　the　necessity
for　rapid　transportation；　which　opened　up　for　the　municipal
politician　a　new　El　Dorado。

Under　our　laws　the　right　of　a　public　service　corporation　to
occupy　the　public　streets　is　based　upon　a　franchise　from　the
city。　Before　the　days　of　the　referendum　the　franchise　was　granted
by　the　city　council；　usually　as　a　monopoly；　sometimes　in
perpetuity；　and；　until　comparatively　recent　years；　the
corporation　paid　nothing　to　the　city　for　the　rights　it　acquired。

When　we　reflect　that　within　a　few　decades　of　the　discovery　of
electric　power；　every　city；　large　and　small；　had　its　street…car
and　electric…light　service；　and　that　most　of　these　cities；
through　their　councils；　gave　away　these　monopoly　rights　for　long
periods　of　time；　we　can　imagine　the　princely　aggregate　of　the
gifts　which　public　service　corporations　have　received　at　the
hands　of　our　municipal　governments；　and　the　nature　of　the
temptations　these　corporations　were　able　to　spread　before　the
greedy　gaze　of　those　whose　gesture　would　seal　the　grant。

But　it　was　not　only　at　the　granting　of　the　franchise　that　the
boss　and　his　machine　sought　for　spoils。　A　public　service
corporation；　being　constantly　asked　for　favors；　is　a　continuing
opportunity　for　the　political　manipulator。　Public　service
corporations　could　share　their　patronage　with　the　politician　in
exchange　for　favors。　Through　their　control　of　many　jobs；　and
through　their　influence　with　banks；　they　could　show　a　wide
assortment　of　favors　to　the　politician　in　return　for　his
influence；　for　instance；　in　the　matter　of　traffic　regulations；
permission　to　tear　up　the　streets；　inspection　laws；　rate
schedules；　tax　assessments；　coroners'　reports；　or　juries。

When　the　politician　went　to　the　voters；　he　adroitly　concealed　his
designs　under　the　name　of　one　of　the　national　parties。　Voters
were　asked　to　vote　for　a　Republican　or　a　Democrat；　not　for　a
policy　of　municipal　administration　or　other　local　policies。　The
system　of　committees；　caucuses；　conventions；　built　up　in　every
city；　was　linked　to　the　national　organization。　A　citizen　of　New
York；　for　instance；　was　not　asked　to　vote　for　the　Broadway
Franchise；　which　raised　such　a　scandal　in　the　eighties；　but　to
vote　for　aldermen　running　on　a　national　tariff　ticket！

The　electorate　was　somnolent　and　permitted　the　politician　to　have
his　way。　The　multitudes　of　the　city　came　principally　from　two
sources；　from　Europe　and　from　the　rural　districts　of　our　own
country。　Those　who　came　to　the　city　from　the　country　were
prompted　by　industrial　motives；　they　sought　wider　opportunities；
they　soon　became　immersed　in　their　tasks　and　paid　little
attention　to　public　questions。　The　foreign　immigrants　who
congested　our　cities　were　alien　to　American　institutions。　They
formed　a　heterogeneous　population　to　whom　a　common　ideal　of
government　was　unknown　and　democracy　a　word　without　meaning。
These　foreigners　were　easily　influenced　and　easily　led。　Under　the
old　naturalization　laws；　they　were　herded　into　the　courts　just
before　election　and　admitted　to　citizenship。　In　New　York　they
were　naturalized　under　the　guidance　of　wardheelers；　not
infrequently　at　the　rate　of　one　a　minute！　And；　before　the　days　of
registration　laws；　ballots　were　distributed　to　them　and　they　were
led　to　the　polls；　as　charity　children　are　given　excursion　tickets
and　are　led　to　their　annual　summer's　day　picnic。

The　slipshod　methods　of　naturalization　have　been　revealed　since
the　new　law　（1906）　has　been　in　force。　Tens　of　thousands　of　voters
who　thought　they　were　citizens　found　that　their　papers　were　only
declarations　of　intentions；　or　〃first　papers。〃　Other　tens　of
thousands　had　lost　even　these　papers　and　could　not　designate　the
courts　that　had　issued　them；　and　other　thousands　found　that　the
courts　that　had　naturalized　them　were　without　jurisdiction　in　the
matter。

It　was　not　merely　among　these　newcomers　that　the　boss　found　his
opportunities　for　carrying　elections。　The　dense　city　blocks　were
convenient　lodging　places　for　〃floaters。〃　Just　before　elections；
the　population　of　the　downtown　wards　in　the　larger　cities
increased　surprisingly。　The　boss　full